Sunday, June 03, 2007

The Excellence of Ancient Word: Druid Rhetorics from Ancient Irish Tales

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Introduction

While the ancient Irish tales abound with warriors and kings (not to forget Queen Medbh!), another figure at almost every turn emerges to out- rank them. Usually referred to as the “druid”, this person upon closer inspection is seen to be not any stereotypical wizard with his potions and paraphernalia, but a poet who, instead of having to memorize rote “secret spells”, produced spontaneous verse often in a deliberately archaic diction. A lengthy essay on the philosophy and practise of Irish druids is beyond the scope of this book, but given the misrepresentation of druids in the popular media, a few summary remarks are in order.

In the ancient Irish tales Irish druids are frequently depicted in detail. They bare no resemblance at all to the white-robed oak- worshippers of Julius Caesar. Irish druids wore, not white hooded robes, but rainbow capes, often feathered tunics and head-dresses (note, in the kast roscin this collection, how the druids mock the monks’ hooded robes!). The important trees were rowan, yew, and hazel, and mistletoe was not found in ancient Ireland. While they occasionally carried magic wands and stones, in the far great majority of cases druids’ only magic “tool” was their voices. They were, emphatically, not “pagan priests” and most of what we think of as priestly functions fell to the local king or tribal chief. They were sages, advisors, “wizards” - their closest modern equivalents would be scholars sometimes called upon to be government advisors, although in many cases they were unaffiliated with the rulers and conducted what we nowadays would call “private practice”.

But over all else, they were “poets”. The word is placed in quotes because above all other cultures and societies in the history of the world, ancient Ireland accorded poets what can only be termed nearly divine rank. Poets paid no taxes and were exempt from military service. They had a freedom of movement to cross political borders denied even kings, and wherever they traveled they were entitled to the best of available lodging. And woe to anyone who harmed, or even offended a poet! One can do no better than simply cite the story of Cairbre whose satire is included in the present collection: a wandering poet visits Tara in the days when the gods themselves ruled there, and is denied what he considers suitable food and a fine enough bed. The next morning he enters the throne room at Tara (which was, by the way, named not after the king but called “Réalta na bhFile”, “Star of the Poets”!), and recites five spare lines of verse, whereby the King of the Gods himself is toppled from his throne. In a second example, also included here, Ireland herself is conjured up, out of the magic mists, by a “poem”. (The word “rosc”, plural “roscanna”, is a rhetorical, usually magical, chant, and this word will be used throughout this book to distinguish a “poem” that can topple gods or conjure whole nations from the modern less potent variety.)

One of the purposes of the present collection is to make the archaic roscanna more readily available to the modern reader, in both English and Irish. With this in mind, and in contrast to many “scholarly editions”, the orthography has been modernized, within the limits of phonetic accuracy, i.e., “ben” has been rendered as “bean” because the former is simply the older orthography for the latter, and only the latter will be recognizable by the modern Irish reader; however, “túatha” has been left in the older form and not rendered as “tuatha” because the difference between the two forms is not one of spelling, but basically of pronunciation (”too-uh-thuh” versus “tueh-heh”). Without a long thesis on Old Irish phonetics, this will go some way toward making the roscanna readable by persons who know Modern Irish, provided they remember that aspirated medial consonants are pronounced (e.g. “Teamhair” is said as two syllables). In a few cases has out-right modernization been employed (e.g. “cen” is given as “gan”). Such “normalization” of spelling is not, admittedly, by any means standard practice, but no less a respected scholar than Myles Dillon (in his Stories from the Acallam, DIAS 1970) argued for its use. However, much of the archaic grammar has been retained, such as inbed initial object pronouns prefixed to verbs and dative plurals in “-ibh” because in such cases to give the modern rendering would completely destroy the phrasing and scan of the lines.

Retaining the archaic grammatic forms where they occur also serves the important purpose of high-lighting the heady “mixture” of language in the originals, where, for example, the first person singular of verbs may end in both “-u” and “-im” within the same rosc. Vocabulary is likewise left largely archaic (e.g. “fria” instead of the modern “leis”) since these often directly effect the sound-scheme and “poetic diction” of the original (while the distance between forms here is rather greater, no one attempts to put Shakespeare into “modern grammar” and much of his greatest poetry would be destroyed by the attempt). In other cases, there is only the archaic term available (e.g. “féath fiath” or “magic mists which confer invisibility”).

One additional major editorial decision has been made. Archaic Irish texts are notorious for interpolations (in keeping with the abundance of puns encountered in the roscanna, one might quip they suffer a great deal of “monkey-ing” and “monk-eye-ing”!). Thus an otherwise perfectly Irish tale will suddenly digress into asides on Alexander the Great, the Siege of Troy, or Biblical events. These are all late additions. In the present book, whose concern is not the manuscripts per se, but the actual roscanna themselves, these corruptions, where obvious, have been edited out in an attempt to restore the respective roscanna to their original forms. In most cases the additions are indeed obvious (sometimes they are even directly in Latin). A good example is the rosc from Forbuis Druim Damhghaire beginning “O God of druids…”. This rosc was uttered by a pagan wizard several centuries before Saint Patrick was born yet suddenly bursts into “O Patrick, your blood… victory of the apostles”. Even allowing for “otherworldly time” and a good deal of magical precognition, it is too much to credit that a druid would have called upon an as of yet unborn Christian saint in one of his magic incantations.

The overly pedantic too easily forget, there is no “true” text (not without a time machine), only the re-copying of a re-copying of the setting down (in a usually idiomatic spelling in an alphabet system not really suitable), often in abbreviated form, of an oral recitation itself the re-telling of a re-telling. In addition, and of even greater importance is the fact that the roscanna delight in complicated puns, and this itself makes any attempt to establish a single transcription not only impossible but inherently antagonistic to what is intended.

For example, in rosc in Forbuis Druim Damghaire we find the “text” gives “dris agarbh imtenn”. This might be reconstructed as “dris a garbh imtéinn” (”it is a rough thornbush I have gone round”, perhaps referring to some magic ritual), or “dris a garbh im’ thein” (”a rough thorn bush in my fire”, a magic fire figuring in the narrative), or “dris a garbh agaibh im’ teann” (”a thornbush they have in my strength”). In the same rosc, one finds text “draic thairpech” where the “p” is probably a miscopy for “b”, giving either “draic thairbeach” (bullish dragon) or “draic tháir beach” (dragon of an insult like bees), both of which fit the context. Similarly in another rosc in the same story, the text gives “leic ar gcul in caemmacamh” which could be either “leic ar a gcúl a chaem-mhacamh” (”stones on their backs made smooth” meaning that there are no recently carved ogham stones, i.e. no warriors have been defeated for a long time), or “leic, ár gcul an caemh-macamh” (”stones”, this word appending to the preceding “harsh hills”, then “a slaughter of chariots is the beauty of youth”) where the “an” with an “n” provides the pun. The differences between lentated and non-lentated consonants (”c” versus “ch”, etc.) and between long and short vowels is not, per se, preclusive of such puns. A similar situation can be seen in English where it is quite acceptable, for the sake of “poetic diction”, to sing the word “again”, usually pronounced “a-ghin”, as “a-gayn” when one wishes to rhyme it with a word like “rain”. In many cases such alternation is not even needed: one rosc ends with text “ir im a toctad” which can be either “irim a thochtadh” (I bestow its silence) or “iri mo thochtadh” (you bestow my silence). Given the general tendency in Irish pronunciation to attach a final consonant in one word to a initial vowel of a following word, and to drop the vowel in “mo” when it follows prepositions such as “le” or “i”, these two utterances could even be pronounced the same!

It should be stressed that the roscanna themselves were certainly originally intended to be obscure, full of puns, and often were set in deliberately “pseudo-archaic” forms intermixed with more modern idioms. They were, after all, not public proclamations but “magic”, spells and prophecy, and like all such were conceived to draw mystic power from having multiple meanings and “ancient obscure diction”. (If the English reads as artificially “stilted”, the English reader should feel reassured that the Irish also reads that way!).

This multi-faceted aspect of the language of roscanna has the same insistence on ambiguity which one finds in ancient Irish art wherein a given figure is not merely a spiral or a face or an animal or a leaf, but is all of them at once in an exquisite gestalt.

Any attempt to find a single “true” version may be admirable by modern scientific standards but such an approach is irreconcilably alien to the minds which originally produced the roscanna, and to the culture which they describe. For an equivalent modern example of the literary “mind-set” of the druidic roscanna, one need look no further than the greatest (and most “non-grammatical” masterpiece of Anglo-Irish literature - “Finnigans Wake”, whose title itself only seems to lack an apostrophe if one ignores the all important point that this lack is intentional and calls our attention to the fact that the “funeral ritual of Finnigan” is itself a pun (turning on a wayward “s”) on “Fionn Again Wakes”.

Most of the roscanna included in the present work have never been translated before. The present author is first a poet, and second a scholar (a distinction that the ancient Irish might not have accepted) and the texts have been studied and the poems translated with this in mind (e.g. “damh” has been translated by some scholars as “ox” but it also means “stag” - as the modern poet Michael Hartnett has so translated it. When one encounters a druid riding in a chariot pulled by “damha”, these are hardly oxen but must be shamanic stags; when the word is found modified by the adjectives “fierce, divinely mad” etc, such a beast amy be an ox to the lexicographer, but between the two, to the poet could be only ever a stag. The roscanna are poetry before they are grammar and vocabulary, and must correctly be approached as such.

In the translations words marked with an “*” refer to the glossary.

An index to the persons mentioned in the roscanna follow that.

1. Fáistine Teachta dTúath Dé Danann
(In the First Battle of Moy Tuireadh, the Firbolg druids interpret a dream of their king to prophesize the arrival of the Tuatha Dé Danann.)

Scéal duibh,
óig dar mhuir,
mile laoch líonfas ler,
barca breaga bruigfidid,
bása uile aisnedid,
áes cach dána dícheadal,
siabra dothrú saibscince,
séanfaid tráigte sithchura,
cacha treasa maidfidid.

1. The Arrival of the Tuatha Dé Danann

A tale for you,
youths across ocean,
a thousand heros will fill (web) the sea,
speckled* (magic) ships will moor here,
all death declared.
A folk each of magic incantations,
a bad doom will strike false science,
good portents will ebb peaceful bindings,
all contention will be routed.

2. Aoir le Cairbre ar Bhreas
( At the beginning of The Second Battle of Moy Tuireadh, a traveling poet, Cairbre, visits the court of Bress, king of the gods, and is denied due hospitality. The next morning Cairbre rises and topples Bress from his throne with this poem. The tale is thus not only the primary myth of the duty of hospitality, but the basic myth of the power of poets.)

Gan cholt for criabh ceireine
gan geart fearbú fora n-asad aithrinni
gan adhbhai fhir iar ndrúbaí díasoirchí
gan díl daimhe reisse ropsain Breisse
Ní fil a mhaín trá Breisse

2. Cairbre’s Satire on king Bress

Without food quick on a platter
without fresh milk for a calf to grow on
without lodging for a man when night prevails
without sweetness for men of art - such is (the like) of Bress
No longer is prosperity Bress’s.

3. Fáistine Fiagoil
(The Tuatha Dé Danann Figol prophecizes the battle and its result)

Fíorfidhir níth
na bóta trí a ágh
Tithreas muir nionghlas,
nimh nád beo,
bró gall.
Bruifidh áirithe.
Dófidh Lug Lámhfhada.
Brisfidh béimeanna úathmhara Ogma ór ró-dhearg
dó íarar beo rig.
Soefidher cíosaí,
nófidher beathaí,
tiocfidher aireamh iotha,
maíghfidhir bliocht túatha.
Beidh saor gach ina flaith.
Maígh gan mairc airge.
Báe!
Beidh beo as.
Beidh saor cách ní ba daor nech
A Núadha, fotichartfidh
de rinn níth,
agus fíorfidher níth.

3. Figol’s Prophecy

Battle will be verified and portended
of flame through(out) its contest of valour.
An ash-tree* grey sea has come to (us),
a poison not alive,
a millstone (crowd) of foreigners.
Surety (certainty) will break (over-turn).
Lugh of the Long-Arm will burn (rage).
Terrible blows of Ogma golden very red will break
for that demanding (the) life of kings.
tribute-taxes will be turned (transformed),
(the story of) lives will be celebrated,
the ploughman(ship) of grain will (be made to) come.
the milk of the tribe will be declared.
Be freemen each in his sovereignty.
Declare (it) without a goal of plunder.
Hither (an advantage)!
Be there life from it.
Be (they) freemen each of them not a slaves of (other) persons,
O Nuada, (you) will thrust them away by a spear-tip of battle,
and battle will be verified and portended.

4. Corrghuíneacht Lugha
(Lugh circles his own hosts. on one leg, with one eye closed, one hand behind his back (a form of ritual known as “corrguíneacht” or “crane- prayer”) and chants this rosc. (Corrguíneacht is usually associated with cursing, but in this case Lugh uses it instead as a blessing for his own troops’ victory).

Ár a thraí cath co-mhart ann.
Isin cath iar ngall ro bhris comhlonna
for sléacht slúaigh. Silster ria slúaghaibh
Síabraí, íath fir fomnaí,
cuifí ciathaí, fir gan rogain.
Léantar gala. Fordám aisid,
fordám cloisid, forandíchráighid.
fir duibh. Béic finn nointam!
Fó Fó Fé Fé Clé a m’áinsí!
Noífit mann íar néalscoth
trí a treanncheardtaibh druag
Ním’ chreadhbhadh catha fri críocha
Nísitmeata m’itge for neamairches
for lúachair loisces.
mart alt shuides, mart orainn trogais.
An comair sídh fri gach nae
go comair Ogma sáchu
go comair neamh agus talamh agus muir
go comair grian agus gealach agus réaltaí.
Dreim niadh mo dhream-se dóoibh
Mo slúagh-sa slúagh mór muireach
mochtsáileach bruithe neartóireach
ro gheanaius agus tocraí atá for róe cath.
Co-mhart a thraí. ár a thraí.

4. Lugh’s Crane Magic

Havoc its strain of battles shared death there.
In this a battle after foreigners broke (our) shared settlement
by destruction of it. They will be defeated by hosts.
O Fairy-hosts, land of men on guard,
birds of prey rain down (on them), men without choice.
Be hindered (the) foreigners. Another (the other) company fears,
another company listens, they are very terribly in torment,
dark (sad) men (are they). Roaring brightly ninefold* are we!
Hurrah and Woe! Leftward*! O you my beautiful ones!
Sacred will be the sustenance after cloud and flowers
through its powerful skills of wizards.
My battle will not dwindle until (its) end.
Not cowardly my request with (their) encountering me
with a land of rushes laid waste by fire
death’s form established, death on us given birth.
Before (the presence of) the Sídhe with each of them,
before Ogma I satisfy,
before the sky and the earth and the sea*,
before the sun and the moon and the stars*.
O Band of warriors my band here to you
My hosts here of great hosts sea-full
(of) mighty sea-spray (boiling) smelted golden powerful,
conceived, may it be sought upon the field of battle.
Joint death its strain. Havoc its strain.

5. In Dáil n-Astadha
(The Tuatha Dé Danann victorious over the Fomor, Lugh proclaims the peace. The lines on milking refers to the terms of the peace including that the Fomor supply their knowledge of dairy science.)

Gébaid foss fionnghrinne
deasca.
Duine domhain,
toirce bad cach toirel
ár mbláthaibh.
Tiocfait sceo mblicht.
Mhórad an bhearadh
ar m’easaibh
m ‘arcainibh darach
óigrídhiu
i gcribchídhiu.
Cealtar brón!
Beartar failte feara fuim.
Techet grian gléasaibh
saorchaomaibh.
Sintar fir fleitighibh.
Ailtiu
astath
fo chomh-fhearga cridiu.
Cealait Fomoire farraige fionn.v Cas ró-séat!
Beatha Banba!
&Eacht;acht a guidí eachtrann
agus suthaine fearaibh,
fionnchluiche forbarseadh
ó indiu go brách.
Bíodh sídh ar Fomoire agus Éire!

5. The Convocation of the Establishment

It is established steadfast bright and accurate
(this) aftermath (of the battle).
O people of the world,
it has come that all has been made manifest
to our flowering ones.
Understanding of milkings will come.
Made great are those (who were) reduced
by my judgement/esteem
(by) my singing chants of oaks*
to (those of) youthful feats of riding
in quick (soon over) weeping.
Vanish sorrow!
Joy/welcome is bound on the men below me.
The sun* gives home to (these) arrangements
to those cherished ones who are free.
Go forth O men to the banquet-halls.
I establish the frame-work of this home
(this) binding establishment
concerning (our) mutual angers in (the) heart.
The Fomors of the bright sea do vanish.
O turn great path/way!
Life to Ireland!
Destruction to foreign petitions/chants
and long-life to men,
bright games-playing be prosperous,
from today forever
be there peace between Fomor and Ireland!

6. Fáistine leis an Mórrígu
(After the battle the Morrigu relates two alternate prophecies. the text of the second about the world’s degradation (not is destruction) is incomplete, but the first, of prosperity, runs:)

Sídh go neimh
neimh go domhan
domhan fo neimh
neart i gcách
án forlán
lán do mil
míd go sáith
sam i ngram
gae for sciath
sciath for dúnadh
dúnadh lonngharg
fód di uí
ros forbiur beanna
abú airbí imeachta
meas for chrannaibh
craobh do scís
scís do ás
saith do mhac
mac formhúin
muinréal tairbh
tarbh di arcain
odhbh do crann
crann do thine
tine a n-áil
ail a n-úir
uích a mbuaibh
Boinn a mbrú
brú le feabh faid
ásghlas iar earccah
foghamar forasit eacha
iall do tír
tír go trácht le feabh ráidh
bíodh rúad rossaibh síoraibh ríochmhór
sídh go neimh
bíodh síornoí.

6. Morrigu’s Prophecy

Peace to (as high as) the sky
sky to the earth
earth beneath sky
strength in everyone
a cup very full
a fullness of honey
honour enough
summer in winter
spear supported by shield
shields supported by forts
forts fierce eager for battle
“sod” (fleece) from sheep
woods grown with antler-tips (full of stags*)
forever destructions have departed
mast (nuts) on trees
a branch drooping-down
drooping from growth
wealth for a son
a son very learned
neck of bull (in yoke)
a bull from a song
knots in woods (i.e. scrap-wood)
wood for a fire
fire as wanted
palisades new and bright
salmon* their victory
the Boyne (i.e. Newgrange) their hostel
hostel with an excellence of length (size)
blue (new) growth after spring
(in) autumn horses increase
the land held secure
land recounted with excellence of word
Be might to the eternal much excellent woods
peace to (as high as the) sky
be (this) nine times eternal

AMERGIN

Amhairghin, or Amergin as usually spelt in English, was one of the leaders of the “Men of Míl”, the first human arrivals in Ireland who battled the Tuatha Dé Danann or “gods” for posession of the island.

The piece here entitled Amergin’s Challenge certainly deserves to be one of the most famous of all Irish poems, for it is the first poem, according to legend, uttered by a mortal in Ireland, proclaimed by Amergin as he first set his foot on the beach. Unfortunately, the existing texts are all corrupt, greatly open to varied interpretation none of which agree among themselves! However, a basic core can be discerned - e.g. all copies mention such elements as wind, wave, stag, boar, etc and begin with statements of “I am” and go on to rhetorically ask “who (except I)?” The “poem” has sometime been claimed to be a pantheistic hymn but is in fact no such thing. It is clear from the context of the narrative that it is a self-proclamation by Amergin of superior port-hood and a challenge to the Tuatha Dé Danann. Given the extreme unreliability of the texts and the contention about them, in this one case the present author has taken a rather great liberty in his attempted to reconstruct it in a coherent form. This amounts to yet again another version but one which retains the elements and diction central to the rosc’s obvious intent.

The second piece is equally impressive in context. The Tuatha Dé Danann attempt to stop mortals from landing by hiding Ireland behind “druidic mist” and Amergin’s second rosc amounts to nothing less than a summoning invocation of Ireland itself out from behind the magic mists. Fortunately for Ireland, the texts of this poem are a great deal clearer and in greater agreement with each other than those of the first poem!

The third piece by Amergin here is often printed, but this edition differs considerably. “En” is usually taken for “én”, thus “coursing birds, flashing bright”, but the RIA Dictionary clearly indicates that “en” (without the long vowel) can mean water. Also, the salmon are here the size of whales, rather than the two being separate animals.

Thus Amergin should, by the way, not be confused with the totally different poet of the same name who figures in the Ulster Cycle. The name Amhairghin means “Birth of Song”.

7. Duan Amhairghine

Am gáeth tar na bhfarraige
Am tuile os chinn maighe
Am dord na daíthbhe
Am damh seacht mbeann
Am drúchtín rotuí ó ngréin
Am an fráich torc
Am seabhac a néad i n-aill
Am ard filidheachta
Am álaine bhláithibh
Am an t-eo fis
Cía an crann agus an theine ag tuitim faire
Cía an dhíamhairina cloch neamh shnaidhite
Am an ríáin gach uile choirceoige
Am an theine far gach uile chnoic
Am an scíath far gach uile chinn
Am an sleagh catha
Am nómá tonnag sírthintaghaív Am úagh gach uile dhóich dhíamaíní
Cía fios aige conara na gréine agus linn na éisce
Cía tionól na rinn aige, ceangladh na farraige,
cor i n-eagar na harda, na haibhne, na túatha.

7. Amergin’s Challenge

I am a wind across the sea
I am a flood across the plain
I am the roar of the tides
I am a stag* of seven (pair) tines
I am a dewdrop let fall by the sun
I am the fierceness of boars*
I am a hawk, my nest on a cliff
I am a height of poetry (magical skill)
I am the most beautiful among flowers
I am the salmon* of wisdom
Who (but I) is both the tree and the lightning strikes it
Who is the dark secret of the dolmen not yet hewn
I am the queen of every hive
I am the fire on every hill
I am the shield over every head
I am the spear of battle
I am the ninth* wave of eternal return
I am the grave of every vain hope
Who knows the path of the sun, the periods of the moon
Who gathers the divisions, enthralls the sea,
sets in order the mountains. the rivers, the peoples

8. Toghairm na hÉireann

Áiliu íath nÉireann
éarmach muir mothach
mothach sliabh screatach
screatach coill citheach
citheach ab eascach
eascach loch linnmhar
linnmhar tor tiopra
tiopra túath óenach
óemach ríg Teamhrach
Teamhair tor túathach
túathach mac Mhíleadh
Míleadh long libearn
libearn ar nÉirinn
Éireann ard díglas
dícheatal ro gáeth
ro gáeth bán Bhreise
Breise bán buaigne
Bé adhbhul Ériu
Érimon ar dtús
Ir, Éber, áileas
áiliu íath nÉireann

8. Amergin’s Invocation of Ireland

I request the land of Ireland (to come forth)
coursed is the wild sea
wild the crying mountains
crying the generous woods
generous in showers (rain/waterfalls)
showers lakes and vast pools
vast pools hosts of well-springs
well-springs of tribes in assembly
assembly of kings of Tara
Tara host of tribes
tribes of the sons of Mil
Mil of boats and ships
ships come to Ireland
Ireland high terribly blue
an incantation on the (same) wind
(which was the) wind empty of Bres
Bres of an empty cup
Ireland be mighty
Ermon at the beginning
Ir, Eber, requested
(now it is) I (who) request the land of Ireland!

9. Bríocht Baile Fharraige

Íascach muir,
mothach tír,
tomaidhm n-éisc,
íasc fo thoinn
i reathaibh eana
casar fionn
cétaibh íach
leathain míol,
portach lag
tomaidhm n-éisc,
íascach muir.

9. Amergin’s Bounty of the Ocean

Fishful the ocean,
prolific in bounty the land,
an explosion of fish,
fish beneath wave
in currents of water
flashing brightly,
(from) hundredfolds of salmon
(which are) the size of whales,
song of a harbour of fames,
an explosion of fish,
fishful the sea.

FORBUIS DRUIM DAMHGHAIRE

Forbuis Druim Damhghaire (”The Siege of the Ridge if the Stag’s Cry”) from the Book of Lismore is a fine source of druidic roscanna of a variety of types. Most of these had never been translated before the present author’s editions (qv Cainteanna na Luise No.19 and CnL SS-6, 1988). Sjoestedt (Revue Celtique 43-44) edited many, but not all, of the rhetorics without translation, but her work leaves, unfortunately, a great deal to be desired, and it is not closely followed here. Three examples can be given: 1) Sjoestedt gives “an-ulc”. This has no meaning, but in older Irish longhand script “c” and “t” are very similar and can easily be confused. Taking the phrase as “a n-ólt” (”their drink”) fits both the rest of the sentence and the context of the rosc. 2) Her “fasda critre ure” makes no sense, but “fásta crithre uise”, reading “s” for “r” (again two very similar letters in old Irish script) renders “grown from a humble spark”. Since a magical fire is being discussed at this point in the narrative this exactly fits the context. 3) Sjoestedt gives “damh cuana coilgdirech. gu mbeannuibh banarcait”. Allowing for the vagaries of Irish manuscript tradition, such as the omission of vowel lengths and vowel orthographic substitution, this readily can be rendered as “damh cuana coilgdireach. go (m)beannaibh banarcait”. This gives something like “Stag of dog-pack sharp as swords. To antler-points white silver”. One must, obviously drop the period, but moreover “cuana” is obviously in error and substituting “crúba” a word at least within the wide margins of error over repeated recopyings, one gets the quite sensible “stag, hooves sharp as swords to antler-points white-silver”.

The narrative of Forbuis Druim Damhghaire relates the refusal of Munster to pay a double cattle tribute to Cormac, high-king of Ireland, the subsequent invasion of Munster by Cormac with a large retinue of royal court druids and other magical allies, and the magical battle engaged against them in defence of Munster by the independent druid Mogh Ruith and his assistants. While a detailing of the development of druidism in Ireland is beyond the scope of the present book, it must be noted that the “free-lancers” easily win against the combined magic of all of the royal retainers, and that this has important implications. In the earliest sagas, powerful druids are attached to royal courts. In later tales, this is emphatically not the case and in a story set sometime before FDD, Tara itself must be saved from magical attack by the semi-outsider Fionn when the royal wizards prove impotent. In FDD, set at a yet later date, we have progressed from the “establishment” druids not merely needing to be helped by an outsider but being soundly defeated, en masse, by a “free-lancer”. Druidism is depicted as being “alive and well” but most definitely not among the sycophants at court. By the time that St.Patrick defeated the court-druids, all the “real” druids may have been “off in the woods” cheering the down-fall of the royal toadies!).

10. Suantraí d’Ardrí
(Before leaving for battle, the high king of Ireland, Cormac, is put to sleep with a magical lullaby by his court druid.)

Ard a thraí, a Chormaic chaoimh,
codail cleití.
Cíd ní fuil art’naimhdiú.
Buan t’ainm ós Éirinn.
Éirigh sunn soeid toei
frium, agus rom’ chiall.
Cia cath an dúisiú deogha suain
saigsias duidsiamh dínn,
dorcha docheat conchuadas.
Cia cath a bhaí-sin a bhean.
A Bharrfhinn, Bhlátha, Bháirce,
bí chaoimh do chomhaise.
Chuige an odh cudnód,
cuairt coímgí
a Chormaic, cuir díot do shuan.
Ard a thraí, a Chormaic.

10. A Lullaby for the High-King

High its strain, O Cormac.
Sleep as though in downy feathers.
Cry no blood on your enmity.
Enduring your name above Ireland.
Arise here, changed, silent
by means of me and my intelligence.
Although battle be the waking from the draught of sleep,
attained will be what I establish between us,
obscured the discord jointly come to us,
although battle be its shattering.
O Fair Pinnacle, Flowery One, Stronghold (Ship),
be you most precious among (your) contemporaries
(a pledge to his people’s commonweal).
Toward that, this melody of guardings,
a circle of safe-keepings (around you).
O Cormac, bind yourself to your sleep,
high its strain, O Cormac.

11. Rosc Catha le Mogh Ruithe ag Tosú

Cingthe, a Cheannmahair choscurigh,
do-chódh catha Chorb
go ro soeiter sealg
seanbhán-sidhe dearg
is delbh da éis
anmachta
inne go dtaí gheall.
Go ro-dhluidhí drong
sléachta mo roisc rindamn
cía ro bat é is beacht.
Do bhear catha coilt
gan neimhe gan neart
Niamhtar mo dhaimh dhamhraighi
go lúath gáeithí
im’ ghort do Chormac mac Airt.
Éarnfaidh uath is olc
dom roich agus mo sholmae
re súigtis neartu niach,
dom roich mo coilg ndaighneimhneach,
frithálta mo sciath,
scáil mo ghoithne umhaidhí.
Oirciu-so Choinn ach go
bhfoirbreann feidhm
Fhir do-liach
go rop ceann úas, chách catha díana
dífhrecra dermára na ndroinge
dáiríne agus deargthine
Domnat for Leath Cuinn corraigh
mo chlíabh chreaphnaise,
céim fria hilar ann
damhna damh,
biadh óic fo áill.
ailmí calma. Cing,
cingtheá, a Cheannmahair.

11. Mogh Ruith Begins Battle

It is arrived (approached), O Kenmare Victorious,
a terrible vanquishing (winning) of the battle with Corb
that was a (trans)formed hunt
(by the) old and white (drained) red sidhe
transformed in its shape (troop)
(from that) of soul-mentorship (good advice)
today to secured silence.
To great diminishings of throngs
the slaughter of my starry (piercing) rosc
is that which is certain.
Engaged are battles of destructions
without poisons, without strength.
Envenomed be my stag* of stag-ragings
speedily so (as though) of winds
in my field (on my own ground) to Cormac.
A thorn-tree* which is harmful will bestow
to my reach and my readiness
by its attachment to heroic strength,
to my reach, my sword of fiery poison,
having attended to my shield,
a phantom my little bronze dart.
I slay thusly Conn, except that
it accomplishes (requires) utmost effort.
O terribly wretched man,
who would be a noble head(man), he of swift battle
incomparable and vast of the multitudes
of Petty Selfdom and of Red Fire (puns on tribal names)
(What) bursts forth upon the side of battleful Conn
(is) my swift-cutting “rib-work” (obscure meaning),
an exploit with its multitude here
a fit substance/cause for stags*,
food of youth in its beauty,
brave pine-tree*. Arrive! (Approach!),
you arrived, O Kenmare.

12. Aoir Mhogh Ruith ar an nGabháltas

Coille beaga binneacha,
ealla chuileach chorrmhíolach
comhdháil geinnte is gadaighid [goid],
gleann go n-éachtaibh ilardaibh,
adhbha fiadhmhuc noinsheascair
éanach fiadhmhíl.
Fo ró-dhúr
cuiteach léanach lánshalach
feagha loma ilotreacha.
Learg ainbtheach
rá innísi
iolar bhuidne beann.
Bebáis bás
dá mbun a ndochuibh,
beidh gan aicme noiracais,
áilnibh railgibh rún,
rotaibh ruaibh rig-leasaibh / léasaibh,
reannaibh (rionnaibh) cathráibh.
Cúl!
O Coille!

12. Mogh Ruith’s Satire on the Invasion

O woods small and melodious,
(now) of an unkept surprise (burst) of midges,
a meeting of birth-giving and thievery,
(in this) valley that’s of achievements of many-exaltings,
abode of wild pigs (they) made comfortable,
bird-ful of wild honeys.
(Is inflicted) on it [i.e. Munster] very grimly (stupidly)
like a snare (pitfall) deeply afflicted fully dirty
a bare (de-feathered) raven (of) many-dunghills.
On stormy mountainsides
O glorious(ly) to the south of this
(is an) eagle gainful (having troops) of the (mountain) peaks.
Those who died (their) deaths
if as a result of the founding of their
(the enemy’s) wrong-doings,
it will be without (distinction of) tribe they are angered,
(they) of beauties, of the secrets’ oaks*,
of slaughters ruddy (bloody) of royal benefits / radiances,
of the spear-points (satires) of battle-sayings.
Retreat! (you the enemy)
O woods! [this does not attach to the previous line, but is a standard formula of “locking” a rosc by
repeating the opening phrase.]

13. Beannacht Mogha Ruithe ar Mhumhan

Tír mhín ainmhéin,
tír fhluich thirim,
tír aibhinn an-anibhinn,
tír fhántach thulchach,
tír bhláitheadrocht bhráthar,
ní humfhaemú-sa an thír.
Clú chathach clonghalach,
clú eachtach urbadhach,
clú uathmhar aicsineach,
clú fhliuch lochanach,
lir a conach,
lir a húscaí,
lir a hantaic géid a hiommaire,
lir a catha,
lir a haile,
lir a heighmhe aidhbhre
a huile eile a slada
a sáruighte slighí churad clú

13. Mogh Ruith’s Homage to Munster

Land gentle of passion,
land (both) wet (and) dry,
land of very beautiful rivers,
land of (both) hollows (and) hills
land of flowery and mysterious language,
no acceptance of raw/harshness (is) this land’s.
Fame of sword-clashing battles,
fame of baneful wondrous deed-doing,
fame thick with its own singularity of vision,
fame of wet lake-fulness,
a great many its victories,
a great quantity its lard,
a great wealth its furrows of goose-fat,
a great many its battles,
a great many its other things,
a greatness its shouting, vast splendour,
that everything else is its plunder,
its exceedly (fine) woven ways bound to fame.

14. Rosc Catha le Mogh Ruith
(the High King’s druids dry up Munster’s rivers; Mogh Ruith chants:)

Buinn fria bráth
Brígh fria dloimh
ceannbheach cath.
Dígla (díglá) daigh ó bhrígh
aird saer ní cheal go bhrígh mbáin.
I ndeoin áedh ón tsruth theas
dían túar brígh go sruth thuaidh.
Slúaigh nár thib.
Cinnbhea damh
fó gach colg re a ndul amach
i ndeoin ard cinnbhea damh
fo barr scíath a ghlinn.
Brigde
go háth Cliath in arbáid sin
Cíd na conn, bed fo mblog,
for mbia mairg romhuidh.
Díl rom chealt.
Ceannmahr, Muiche, Buireach, Beant,
Or nár comhbhrígh friu (go) beacht,
Dóibh bás olc.
Fía muinter, cinnbhea damh.
Toradh toinn,
ní bat gluinn faífait buinn.

14. Mogh Ruith’s Battle Cry

Torrents (great rivers) be with it (Munster) forever
(Magical) energy with its nucleus
foremost enlivened of battles.
Be it avenged (a terrible shout) ablaze from energy
of free nobility not vanished to energy made white (bloodless).
By (my) will of fire from a stream (flow) in the south
swift(ly) a portend (poet) of energy to a flow in the north.
Hosts of warriors may they not be cut back.
May a stag* strike foremost,
good every sword with their going forth
by (my) high will, may a stag* strike foremost
beneath the tip of shields guaranteed.
Be they confirmed
to the mouth of the Liffey in submergence (drowning) there.
They of the hounds, be they under (cut into) pieces,
that there will be sorrow around them.
Destruction before my visage.
Kenmare, Mochet, Buireach, Beant,
Be there no limit (to their) joint energy precisely.
To them (the enemy) a terrible death.
A deer is well-learnt, may a stag* strike foremost.
Fruit of wave,
be there no generations lamenting (the lack of) great rivers.

15. Bríocht Síothlaithe Cheannmhara

Síothal lán, síothal slán.
Luigsim féin féin ra cach mál.
Síothal shuain, síothal sámh.
Bear úr uaibh
do cheann slúaigh d’Fhiachaigh mál.
Síothal glan, síothal gart
um rígh mborb.
Síothal slán, síothal suain.
Bear úr.
Do Mhogh Chorb
síothal airgid agus óir agus cruain,
síothal shíog agus rígh agus rúain
lúthar libh agus uaibh do Mhogh Ruith
is d’fhir Coirb
is do Bhuan
lúthsat féin
feacht fo thrí
ra feacht fáth
beact for rígh.
Báidhfe tart.
Beofaidh brígh,
fóirfidh cach,
sóefidh síath. Síothal.

15. Kenmare’s Pacification Spell

Melt away (expire, soften) fully, melt away completely.
I swear this myself to every prince.
Melt into sleep, melt in tranquillity.
Be borne a bright newness
to (the) head of the hosts of Fiacha of princes.
Melt clean(ly), melt (with) generosity
(all those) around an ignorant (unjust) king.
Melt away completely, melt away into sleep.
Be borne a fresh newness.
(But) of Mogh Corb
melt away his silver and gold and enamel (jewelry),
melt away fairy (allies of the king) and king and great ones,
empowered with you and from you to Mogh Ruith
and from (the) men of Corb
and to Buan
empowered himself
a sight (seen to be done) three times
with that a sight of wisdom
the (high) king made humble.
The draught will be drowned.
(Magical) energy will enliven,
each will be healed,
will transform into peace. Melt away.

16. Millteoireacht le Mogh Ruithe ar nDaoithe an Ardrí

Soeim athshoeim
muna soeim dluma dirche
soeim bríocht, soeim breachta
soeim deachta doilbhte,
soeim ard, soeim adhbhal
soeim gach aidbhertaid,
soeim tulach do thulaigh
comhdar thubhaidh ar traigh.
Traethfat-sa cnoc ceann a ceann
comhbean-sa fria a aitheann.
Soeim gach at,
tráis i bhfíochaí eo,
i bhfíochaí sceo.
Dánaim dar,
dánaim dánaim
neimh im’ neart Ua Chuinn cur,
Colphtha agus Lurga luáth go ndíobhát san áth.
Errghi, Eng, augus Engain ná cú
ceangair gach.
Bíodh crúibleacht ar crúibh,
cré omh ann dan lot.
Bíodh fiadhlann ar cnoc.
Bíodh a ráidh ar áth féim
a chomhailfeat frium chlana Eoghain ann.
Bíodh dóibh an maith mór, biáidh,
flaith ina láimh
dá ndiúlat rem chlú ann.
Cineadh Fiachach feirt
a ndine a n-ólt
gan ríghí, gan reacht (ríocht).
Cinfeadh ó Mogh Corbh
cuaine ráth fria a rí,
a righfidis as a reacht
a seacht mba sé.
Séidim-se Druim nDamh.
Séidis gaeis líaigh gom.
Séidis gabhál ngall.
Séidis neimh úar omh.
Ní rob inann sin,
séidis bánfiadh bruth
ach rob inann súd.
Soeis ré sin an sraith
im’ racht i ndraíocht
im’ dheach-chath
im’ dheachath úadh.
Leacais
comhbhlicht cnocv a soeim.

16. Mogh Ruith’s Attack on the High King’s Druids

I turn (transform), I re-turn,
not but I turn nuclei of darkness,
I turn verbal spells, I turn speckled* spells,
I turn purities of form,
I turn high, I turn mightily,
I turn each adversity,
I turn a hill to subside,
equally an onslaught on its foot.
Subjugated will be the hill, one by one
an equal blow against those who flee,
I turn each not smelled out.
I turn each tumour (in hiding),
they are disgraced in my fierce anger of a yew (prince)
in my angers raging.
I bestow (declare a poem, make it fate) by this,
I bestow, I bestow,
poison in my power, the O’Cuinns to bind.
Colptha and Lurga, may they speedily terribly-die in the ford.
Errghi, Eng, and Engain (the enemy’s magic ewes)
and not one (of my magic) hounds,
are they each chained.
Be it hooves’ grave from claws, raw dust in it, ruin.
Be a fiodhrádh piece (wild anger) cast on the hill.
Be there a piece (saying) on the ford itself,
which equally strikes (nourishes) my clann of Eoghan there.
Be there to them a great good, a blessing,
a sovereignty in their (own) hands
if they do not deny my fame among them.
Be descended of Fiacha prodigies
who will suck their drink
without a (high) king, without his rule (over them).
(But be) descended from Mogh Corbh
a pack of dogs altogether against their king,
scattered away from his kingdom
each of their seven cows* in turn.
I breath-blast indeed the Ridge of the Stags.
Breath-blasted be the sageries of the doctors of anguish.
Breath-blasted be the grasp of the foreigners.
Breath-blasted poison raw and cold.
Not a body the same just there
breath-blasted wild-white (empty) raging,
but a(nother) body the same over there.
Turnt (transformed) be that expanse of the sword
in my paroxysm of magic
in my best battle
in my perfect best battle.
Subjugated (made into stone)
yielding milk (drained dry) be the hill
which I turn (transform).

17. Lia Draíochta le Mogh Ruith
(This is the magic stone that will turn into a monster.)

Ailim mo lic laeme
Nárobh é thaidhbhsí tháidhe
Bíodh breo a bhrisfes báirí
re chath chródhe Cláire.
Mo chloch thein a thug a thinn.
Bíodh nathair dearg a dhobhair mairg
cur a bhfillfe a fhoraim.
Bíodh muireascann (reascán)
mholach
fiadh seacht gconga dée ró-dhaimh
idir thonnaibh tré-oll
Bíodh badhbh idir bhadhuibh
a scéaras corp re hanmuin.
Bíodh nathair nóis-naidmuibh
um corp Colptha ollmhór
ó dtalamin go a cheann,
anbhoig sleamhan a bhirrcheann
an rot ruibheach a reaghtainn.
Bíodh drais gharbh imtéinn (im’thein)
mairg a ticfa a thimpeall.
Mo dhraic thairbeach (dhraictháir beach) teann,
canfait uais is uagtair,
mairg co a shín
fae shurdghail
do Cholptha agus do Lurga
a laifider f’aill.
An trascradh nosthrascainn.
Is fastad nosfhastainn.
Is nascadh nosnascainn.
Mar bhís féithe im’chrann.
Coiscfider a bhfoghaill,
meathfaider a monair,
beith a gcoirp fa chonnuibh.
Ar ath olair air (a rath olair air/ara tholair air)
go mbearrbhais leo leinibh
gan troit is gan deabhaidh
a gcoscair re a gceannuibh.
Cé maith eadh budh áil,
áilim.

17. Mogh Ruith’s Magic Stone

I request my stone of conflagration.
Be it no ghost of theft.
Be it a blaze that will fight/uproar victory/sages
before the valiant battle of Clare,
my fire stone which delves pain.
Be it a red serpent which sorrows
a binding his course to bend.
Be it a sea-eel / little-loquacity
eye-browed (fierce) / spindled (going round)
deer of seven-points of gods of a very-stag*
between waves triple great.
Be it a scald-crow among scald-crows
who divide a body with a nasty trick.
Be it a snake in eminent constrictions
around Colptha’s body mightily
from the earth to his head
a terrible softness slippery the tip of his head,
the daring slaughter I have overthrown.
Be it a rough thorn-bush* I go round (in my fire)
a sorrow which will come round him.
My strong dragon bullish (of insult like bees)
will sing proud and of authority,
sorrow in its storn
below its gambolling
to Colptha and Lurga,
lay them low beneath the cliff.
The casting-down, I cast it down.
And the detaining, I detain it.
And the binding, I bind it.
Like a spiral of sinew in my staff.
Prevented be their escapes,
failed be their undertakings,
both their bodies beneath hounds.
At the ford, grease (blood on it / disgusts on their wealth)
be they stripped (death cut through) to their tunics
without fight and without contention
to protect their heads.
Such good will be the request
I request.

18. Toghairm Cheannmhara do Phéist
(the jingle-jangle style of this humourous rosc with its many puns and deliberately childish grammar can only idiomatically be rendered into English)

Fós a mhuin cé acht mhaeth-romhar,
a péist,
a chael a ruadh
a lath breac
a aiteann ruadh iar-romhar
a mhalach ruadh mhidh-romhar
a chrann shúileach ruadh coilg-romhar
a theanga dearg tein-dtighti
a ghun a cheas ar comhlasadh
a anál dían duibhnéalach
a mar cheo tar garbhcnocuibh leic
ar a gcúl a chaem-macamh
(ár gcul an caemhmacamh)
ó nach comhlonn comhadais
nár thug sár ár saor-chlannuibh
óm’ Fhiachachaigh Mhóir Muilleatháin.
Dálta na draoithe
do dhrongastar.
Éirigh go cóir
ádh céad-aignidh
a luighe (loighe)
ar/ár láimh mín Mhór-Mhogha.
Ro fheadais rádh fíos, fós
(Rá feadais rádh a fhios, fós).

18. Kenmare Calls-Up a Monster

Although his back it’s only skinny-fat
it’s he who is a monster.
his little stream through the bog is ruddy (bloody)
it’s he’s a speckled* (magic) warrior
his furze ruddy fat behind him
his eye-brows rudy middle-fat (raised/bushy)
his eyed-tree (penis) ruddy sword-fat
his red tongue a fire’s fat house ablaze
it’s a wound, his mouth an equal blazing
his breath a sudden black cloud
like a fog across harsh hills of stones
on their backs made smooth [i.e. without warriors recently dead to commemorate by carving on them]
(slaughter of chariots is the beauty of youth)
from there being no violence equal, nor fitness equal to,
nor a gifting exceeding that of our free clans
of my Fiacha great Muilleathan.
Engaged are the (enemy) druids
gathered together in a big bunch.
Arise to a justice
success a hundredfold spirited
sworn (given indulgement)
by the fine (our little) hands of Big Mogh.
It has been whistled in derision
(a saying-spell of a wisdom still).

19. Duan Bhuain don Dhamh-Dia
(The first two lines are in prose.)

Is ann thug Buan an seaghdhaí sheanfhocail
ar ard ag a hinnsint agus asbert:
A Thádhbhais damh ardbassa,
a Fhir a fhéach aislingí
na hÉireann il-infris-fhéidhí,
Dhia h-eisidhí frium,
Dhaimh, crúba coilgdireach
go mbeannuibh bánargead,
muc allaidh úr úathmhar,v bó hoghearc fionn,
an triar ná thúitrann-sa,
bó agus muc mór féighe,
damh dreaman dásachtach
rá dílmain drong,
a cucainn, ró-comhluidset
go ár leapaidh lánlaidhí.
A Athar liom, ro luighesdar a daoine, go buan.
Bearat bráit, mbunathaibh forfhios
féigh, ar chanaidh
as na féathuibh faistine.
Forbeirit gúel glúinn,
fháse an torc trébhiadhnach,
traethar feirg fortanlais,
flaith chathach chonghalach
chorm chuí, chuid crota,
i ndamh dreach-leathán.
Dagh-mhac fial fionn-Eoghan Mór Muillethán
a mhúires cath cró.
Éimhne fhial ilcruthach
im’ mhaith mhóragha
mhín bhuile
bhláitherocht
mo bhean-sa an bhó,
bíodh fuí ní faífider.
Cath Cláire claífider,
bíodh rem uind ro féinfider.
Rígfit meic mna.
Bíodh curdháin chomhaigtes Cormaic
cuilti conaigfes.
Bíodh dinn a domaincheas.
Irim a thochtadh (Irí mo thochtadh).

19. Buan’s Invocation of the Stag-God

Then Buan gave the excellence of ancient word
aloud in its telling, and said:
O Spectre of stags* of great knowledge,
O Man whose sight is in visions
of Ireland of many byred calms,
God of requests beside me,
O Stag*, hooves sharp as swords
to antler-points white-silver,
pig* of the wilds fresh green terrible,
fair cow* of red-speckled* ear-points,
the trinity who do not scrutinize,
cow* and great pig* of keen sight,
fierce stag* of divine possessions,
glorious, free of the restraint of crowds,
who sing together, have advanced together
to our harbour of complete attentions.
O father of mine, pledged to his people forever,
The veils are removed,
by the source of great wisdom
keenly seen, upon song
from out of the magical mists of prophecy.
The generations of the Gael increase.
The triple-yeared wild boar* has grown,
subdued the wraths of supreme power,
sovereignty of battles pugnacious,
of a proper ale feast, of a lot of the harp,
in a wide-faced stag*.
Good son gentle fair Eoghan Great Muillethan
wages a war of inheritance.
Eimhne gentle many-beautied
in my joy much magnified
gentle handsome flower-bright,
my woman, she the cow*,
let her have no reason to lament.
The Battle of Clare will be put to the sword,
before my gaze be it soldiered.
May the sons of women reign.
The bound-givings equally guaranteed
by Cormac and in need abandoned,
let them be performed.
Let there be no belonging here for profound grief.
I bestow its silence (You bestow my silence).

20. Gáeth Luisthine le Mogh Ruith

A Dhé dhraíthe, mo dhé
tar gach ndé,
séid, séid fair, séid fáe
Foluibh luis le húr, acht
fiadhláibh luis le críon
acht lúath crithrach críne
fásta crithre uise.
Cirb, a cheo chaethainn,
caín, a cheo chaethainn.
Chearda dhraoíthe, dolbhaím.
Nirt Chormaic. cloím.
Cheachta, Chruite, Chithre
clocha daoibh dolbhaím.
De-uca gáeth dobhéineadh.
cathfhráoch, a chlich
re choir gáeth aneas
thréan gáeith a neas,
ocht bhfogháeithe, ceathre phríomhgháeithe
a chondh’fhicht
gáeth ós gháethuibh.
Sruth mór mac Gaill,
caínfider, faidh fis.
Forcha cath cáth Fiachach,
forfháinneach athcháith Cormaic.
Caín, a Bhebáis (a Bhé Bháis)
Bleithein
a Mhaidme be teine tréathnaigh
fé scéarta leacaithe (leiceatha) Chormaic
ó n-omáidhí mo chloichmharbh
aidhghne.
Ní ba ruireach ríghphoirt
a ré ráis cloich.
Caín, a Chathfráoigh.
A Dhé, dhé dhraíthe.

20. Mogh Ruith’s Rowan-Fire Magic Wind

O god of druids, my god
above all (other) gods,
breath-blast, breath-blast on it, breath-blast beneath it.
By the essences of rowans* to engreen, but
by the wooden-poems (fiadhrádh*) of rowans* to wither,
yet speedily a glowing of decay
grown from a humble spark.
Cut (them) short, O fog of rowan*,
keen, O fog of rowan*.
O Skill of druids, I sorcerize you.
O Power of Cormac, I vanquish you.
Cecht, Cruit, Cithra (the enemy druids),
I sorcerize you into stones.
For that, a wind of harsh beating,
a battle frenzy which bestirs
before a justice of wind from the south,
a power of wind which wounds.
Eight lesser winds, four major winds
which equally punish,
a wind above winds.
Great torrent of sons of the foreigners.
it will be keened, an out-cry of wisdom.
A lighting-bolt hammer is the noble battle of Fiacha,
encircled is the old rubbish of Cormac.
Keen, you who have died (O Woman of Death),
blaze monsterously.
O Explosion which is a fire of triple cleansings
below the squashed shouts (battled to stone) of Cormac
in homages to my stone-giving-death.
May he recognize (this is so).
Be there no chief in the king’s camp,
its expanse said (verbally magicked) to stone.
Keen, O Battle-Frenzy.
O god, god of druids.

21. Rosc Catha Déanaigh le Mogh Ruith

Fíoraim bríocht
a neart néil cuma
braen fola ar fhear.
Bíodh fó an bíth.
Bruiter drong, go mbá crith,
ár cuain Chuinn
go mbá i n-eas,
gach neart níath.
Bíodh flaith fúach.
Fhir do-liach, go luidh brách.
Búaidnibh slógh
biáidh ós gach Eoghan Mór.
Mogh Corb cas cliti sealaig.
Bíodh ráidh, flaith nóifer.
Fíoraím bríocht.

21. Mogh Ruith’s Final Battle Spell

I fashion-and-verify a verbal spell
its power of clouds, a shape
of a rain of blood on a man.
Be good the wound.
Be goaded, the rabble to drown atrembling.
a slaughter of the dog-pack of O’Cuinn
to drown in the rapids
each a warrior’s strength.
Be there a sovereignty of stanzas (poetry).
O man very wretched, keep fleeing forever.
Of the triumphs of the hosts,
a blessing above all on Great Eoghan.
Mogh Corb is repulsed, necessarily vanquished, laid low.
Be it a proverb, sovereignty will spread
I fashion-and-verify a verbal spell.

22. Fáistine Teachta Phádraig

Tiocfa tálcheann
tar muir mercheann
a thí thollcheann
a chrann crommcheann.
Canfaid míchrábhud
a mhias (mheas) i n-airthair a thige,
fris-géarat a mhuinter uile
“amháin amháin”.

22. The Prophecy of the Coming of Patrick

Adze-head will come
across a sea craze-headed
hollow-headed his cloak
bent-headed his staff.
He will sing maledictions
his dish (judgement-giving) in the back (western) corner of his house,
all his people answering
“Only one, only one” (bilingual pun on “Amen”)

GLOSSARY

ash-tree : associated with war, conquest, also austerity.

cow : in sharp contrast to its use in English, “cow” in ancient Ireland was employed as a term of endearment, also denoting wealth and high social rank.

Earth, Sea, and Sky (the order often differs) : the earth (below), the sky (above), and the sea (around) formed the “great binding triad” which defined the world, and, while the three remained in their correct places, maintained the order and smooth functioning of the cosmos.

fiodhrádh : literally “wooden utterings”, this was the druidic “tree- alphabet” employed in divinational and other magical purposes in which each tree had symbolic associations. Its entire exact content is open to dispute (qv ó Tuathail, An Fiodhrádh, Toronto 1985) but the major trees and their associations are well established.

left : this gained its sinister associations only after the coming of Christianity; in pagan times rightward motion symbolized “opening” (growth, harvest, greeting, increase in wealth, etc), while leftward motion symbolized “closing” (binding, secrets, returning to source, protection, enclosing and thus capturing an enemy, etc).

nine : while three was the magic number of binding and establishing, nine symbolized completeness and wholeness.

oak : in ireland the “robur” oak (there were two kinds) was associated with habitation, hospitality, and law.

pig (boar) : a pig symbolized wealth and health, and, especially as a boar, heroic valour.

pine-tree : symbolic of responsibility, valour, protection of the tribe and the social order.

rowan : this was the major druidic magic tree; associations included bindings, rejuvenation, and protection. Not apparent in the translation is the fact that in Irish it has both a common “mundane” name (caorthann) and a magic-name (luis).

salmon : associated with poetic wisdom, thus magical knowledge, actually indirectly because it eats hazelnuts, the true source of this.

speckled : this adjective indicated either high magic skill or a connection with the Otherworld (a doorway to the Otherworld was referred to as a “cómhla breac” or speckled gate).

stag : stags have been shamanic animals since distant prehistoric times, and appear as such on the cave paintings of France and Spain; a “seven-point” stag was a “royal” (or top of the hierarchy) stag.

sun, moon, and stars : oaths were often sworn on these, and in effect they acted as guaranteers of promises.

thorn-tree (or bush) : this tree symbolized, among other things, in this context, trial and quest, the conquest of adversity.

PERSONS MENTIONED IN ROSCANNA

Amergin - poet-leader of the Men of Mil
Beant - student of Mogh Ruith
Bres - king of the Tuatha Dé Danann
Buan - son of Mogh Ruith
Buireach - student of Mogh Ruith
Cairbre - a wandering poet of the Tuatha Dé Danann
Cecht - Cormac’s court-druid
Citach - Cormac’s court-druid
Cithmor - Cormac’s court-druid
Cithruad - Cormac’s high court-druid
Colptha - Cormac fairy-druid ally
Conn (O’Cuinn) - grandfather of Cormac
Cormac - high-king of Ireland
Crota - Cormac’s court-druid
Eber - one of the leaders of the Men of Mil (see Amergin)
Eimhne - Buan’s wife
Eng - fairy ally of Cormac changed into ewe
Engain - fairy ally of Cormac changed into ewe
Eoghan Mor - Fiacha’s father
Ermon - one of the leaders of the Men of Mil (see Amergin)
Errghi - fairy ally of Cormac changed into ewe
Fiacha muilleathan - king of Munster
Firbolgs - the older “sibling-gods” of the Tuatha Dé Danann
Fomors - the foreign rival gods of the Tuatha Dé Danann
Ir - one of the leaders of the Men of Mil (see Amergin)
Kenmare - student of Mogh Ruith
Lugh - king of the Tuatha Dé Danann
Lurge - Cormac’s fairy-druid ally
Men of Mil - the first human inhabitants of Ireland
Mogh Corb - son of Cormac
Mogh Ruith - independent druid
Morrigu - warrioress of the Tuatha Dé Danann
Nochet - student of Migh Ruith
Nuada - king of the Tuatha Dé Danann
Tuatha Dé Danann - the gods of Ireland

1: Other Irish Editions of texts (by author from main bibliograpy)

*bilingual editions, otherwise without translation
The First Battle of Moy Tuireadh: Fraser*, Travis*
The Second Battle of Moy Tuireadh: Hull*, Gray
Amergin: Travis, Henry, Macalister*, Best and Bergin, Connella*
The Siege of the Ridge of the Stag’s Cry: ó Tuathail*, Sjoestedt
The Coming of Patrick: Travis, Carney*

2: Texts and general works on druidic poetics

Best, Richard, & Bergin, Osborn. The Book of Leinster 1. Dublin 1954.
Carney, James. Medieval Irish Lyrics. Dublin 1967.
Connella, Patrick. The Poems of Amergin. Trans. Ossin.Soc.5, 1857.
Fraser, John. The First Battle of Moytura. Ériu 1, 1916.
Hull, Vernam. Cairpre Mac Edaine’s Satire Upon Bres Mac Eladain. ZCP 18, 1929.
Gray, Elizabeth. Cath Maige Tuiraed. London 1982. (prose, but not roscanna, translated).
Henry, Patrick. Saoithiúlacht na Sean-Ghaeilge. Dublin 1978.
Macalister, R. A. Stewart. Lebor Gabála 5. Dublin 1956.
ó Cathasaigh, Tomás. Curse and Satire. Éigse 21, 1986.
ó hógáin, Dáithí. An File. Dublin 1982.
ó Tuathail, Seán. Roscanna ón bhForbuis Druim Damhghaire. Cainteanna na Luise (Supplement-Separate No. 6), Ottawa 1988.
ó Tuathail, Seán. Forbiud Druim Dsmhghaire 7 Teagasca Bríochtaí. Cainteanna na Luise No.19, 1988.
Sjoestedt, Marie-Louise. Forbuis Droma Damhghaire [prose in French, roscanna not translated]. Revue Celtique 43-44, 1926-1927.
Travis, James. Early Celtic Versecraft. Ithaca 1973.


by Seán Ó Tuathail

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Saturday, June 02, 2007

Hellenization of Judaism

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Abstract

If Hellenization is a process, it must have at one extreme the purely Greek culture, religion and all. At the other extreme was a stubborn adherence to the rules imposed by Ezra. Palestinian Jews, “the Hebrews”, had reason for concern when they saw their temple taken over by “the Greeks”—Hellenized Jews. It was only a question of time before Yehouah became Zeus, and surely that is the point about the “Abomination of Desolation”. It is simplistic to say that “Jews were unique and did not lose their identity”. The early success of Christianity was precisely because it appealed to those Hellenized Jews that were crossing the boundary from Judaism.

Persia


We do not have to conjecture about what the early Israelite religion consisted of, and we need not depend upon the tendentious descriptions of the bible. It is described in documents (A E Cowley, Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century BC) from the Jewish colony at Elephantine, an island in the Nile below the First Cataract—now submerged by the Aswan Dam—dated towards the end of the fifth century BC, just at the time the Persians were setting up their temple state in Yehud. The Jews of that colony happily worshipped five deities, including Yah’s consort, Anath. The Persians eliminated the Israelites’ goddess and their gods, and recognized Yah (or Yao), a god known to the Canaanites, as the patron god of their temple.

Persia was an empire extending in time for 200 years and in space from India to Libya and Turkestan to Ethiopia, and comprising one hundred and twenty-seven provinces. Yet, its influence on the Jewish scriptures is carefully ignored, even in basic ways such as the references to Persia in them:

  • Persia (Esth 1:1; Dan 6:1)
  • government of, restricted by law (Esth 8:8; Dan 6:8-12)
  • municipal governments in, provided with dual governors (Neh 3:9, 12, 16-18)
  • the princes, advisory in matters of administration (Dan 6:1-7)
  • status of women in, queen sat on the throne with the king (Neh 2:6)
  • Vashti divorced for refusing to appear before the king’s courtiers (Esth 1:10-22; 2:4)
  • Israel captive in (2 Chr 36:20)
  • captivity foretold (Hos 13:16)
  • men of, in the Tyrian army (Ezek 27:10)
  • rulers of:
    • Ahasuerus (Xerxes?) (Esth 1:3),
    • Darius (Dan 5:31; 6; 9:1),
    • Artaxerxes I (Ezra 4:7-24),
    • Artaxerxes II (Ezra 7; Neh 2; 5:14),
    • Cyrus (2 Chr 36:22, 23; Ezra 1; 3:7; 4:3; 5:13, 14, 17; 6:3; Isa 41:2, 3; 44:28; 45:1-4, 13; 46:11; 48:14, 15),
  • princes of (Esth 1:14),
  • system of justice (Ezra 7:25),
  • prophecies concerning (Isa 13: 17; 21:1-10; Jer 49:34-39; 51:11-64; Ezek 32:24, 25; 38:5; Dan 2:31-45; 5:28; 7; 8; 11:1-4,)
Zarathustra
Zarathustra

The Persians sought to convert Yehouah from a tribal deity, who fought for his people and overcame the gods of other nations, into the unique and supreme god of the universe. But they had just got the new god, Yehouah, accepted when their empire collapsed, and faced with Greek gods, some Jews began to reclaim Yehouah as a tribal god.

In Palestine, the Israelites adopted Canaanite or Old Phoenician, otherwise called Hebrew, the language of Abarnahara, although the Jews called it correctly “the language of Canaan.” Aramaic was already the commercial and diplomatic language of the ancient near east in Assyrian times, whence it was often called Assyrian, and also became the administrative language during the Persian period. The Jews therefore used it, and Hebrew became a holy language known only to holy men.

Alexander

The Hellenistic Age extends from the conquests of Alexander to the defeat of Bar Kosiba. After Alexander’s death, Alexander’s Greek generals had carved out two main kingdoms from his empire, the Ptolemies took Egypt and the Seleucids Syria and the east. The Jews of Palestine were caught up in the rivalry between the Ptolemaic and Seleucid kingdoms. Palestine itself was a disputed territory, initially in the possession of the Ptolemies before 200 BC but claimed by the Seleucids and held by them until the Maccabaean revolution succeeded about 140 BC.

Under these large Greek kingdoms, Asia Minor, Egypt, the Levant, Syria and Mesopotamia all were subject to the Hellenistic world. All Eastern peoples, the Jews included, were a part of this world. “Greek” ceased to be just an ethnic description and became one of culture. Hellenization concerned many different areas of life: language, custom, religion, commerce, architecture, dress, government, literary and philosophical ideals. Only the life of the poor peasant in the Near East did not alter—nor did it much until the nineteenth century. Under the Greeks, they continued to work the land, as they had under the Persians and Assyrians. Only the recipient of their rents and taxes had changed.

International trade was a feature of the Hellenistic world. Even in the Persian period, widely travelled merchants, soldiers and administrators often knew Greek. Trade with the Aegean had already brought Greek influence to the coasts of the Levant before Alexander.

In the century after Alexander’s death, things gradually changed. Everyone above the peasantry imitated the Greeks, attending athletic contests and games. The Greeks built cities that were the focus of a great and rational culture. The conquered populations hastened to learn as much Greek as they could. Aramaic declined in these Hellenistic times to be the dialect of the most ignorant classes.

Alexander’s successors were Greeks who became intent on spreading Greek culture. Pride of place in society was to go to “Greeks”, at first Greek settlers but within a few generations, mixed races and the wealthier conquered people. Alexander had encouraged his men to marry women of the Persian aristocracy. Initially, Greek ideals were preserved in the Greek foundations, with citizenship and membership of the gymnasium the privileges of the Greek settlers. Orientals might live in the Greek cities but they were not citizens.

The Jews learned Greek and changed their Canaanite names for distinctively Greek names. A man named Joshua called himself Jason, by allusion to the famous Argonaut, and Matthew became Menelaus, in honor of the celebrated husband of Helen. The names of cities were likewise changed. Amorah became Ariopolis, and Akko became Ptolemais. In the temple at Jerusalem, the signs regulating admission to the sanctuary were written in Greek. The Jews continued to enjoy, under Alexander and the Diadochi who succeeded him, the privileges they had been given by the Persians. The Jewish Encyclopaedia admits (sub voce ‘Hellenism’):

Alexander… and the first Ptolemies and Seleucids… treated their Jewish subjects with much benevolence.

Greek

After Alexander, the language of trade and administration was Greek. Greek became a lingua franca in many parts of the Hellenistic East, as Aramaic had been under the Assyrian, neo-Babylonian and Achaemenid empires. The Ptolemaic and Seleucid kings appointed local officers, who had Greek secretaries. Such favoured natives gave their children a Greek education, and early in the Greek period, educated Orientals spoke Greek, read the classics, dressed as Greeks and were called Greeks. Manetho in Egypt and Berosus in Babylon were writing treatises in Greek in the early part of the 3rd century, and its direct influence on the Jews can be deduced from a variety of sources.

Palestine was an important crossroads in the trade between north and south and between Egypt and Arabia. In the Tobiad romance, Joseph and later his son Hyrcanus (second half of the 3rd century) dealt with the Ptolemaic court on an equal footing (Josephus, Ant 12:4:2-11). They apparently did not need an interpreter, nor were they considered inferior. Long distance merchants will have used Greek for dealing with officialdom and to be understood in different countries, but local trade would be negotiated in Aramaic rather than Greek.

An ostracon in Aramaic from about the middle of the 3rd century BC already contains two Greek words. Another ostracon from Khirbet el-Kom in the Idumean area, dated about 275 BC, is a bilingual in both Greek and Aramaic. Yet, only one formal bilingual inscription is known in the whole of Syria—that from Tel Dan about 200 BC. The widespread use of Greek cannot be doubted but to the time of the Maccabees it was confined to the educated upper-class. The number of Jews outside the Greek cities fluent in Greek was probably small, though a greater number must have had a smattering of Greek. A few hundred years later, at the time of Jesus, Greek would have been more common, but the Hasmonaean influence would have polarized society so that some were thoroughly anti-Greek and others favoured it as more modern and progressive.

The Jewish scriptures, originally written in Hebrew and Aramaic, had to be translated into Greek, including books and parts of books that are omitted in most Christian bibles, for the benefit of Jews who could no longer read Aramaic. The Greek translation was the Septuagint, which takes its name from a letter concocted in the name of Aristeas, which claimed that seventy-two learned rabbis independently translated the Jewish scriptures into Greek copies. Yehouah saw to it that the seventy-two independent translations were identical, even to the smallest jot or tittle.

Judaism and Hellenism were not mutually exclusive at first. The Jews of Palestine did not stay aloof from Greek culture. From the middle of the third century BC Judaism was “Hellenistic Judaism”. Under the Assyrians, the Persians and then the Greeks, the Jews had shown themselves loyal supporters of the colonial rulers. Though some Jews came to rebel against the Seleucid Greeks, they had previously shown no strong resistance to Hellenistic culture, and after a few generations of Greek occupation, it is a moot point whether many could clearly distinguish between what was Greek and what was Jewish.

The Greeks were good administrators and Ptolemaic and later Seleucid officialdom reached to the lowest levels of Jewish society. Every village was supervised by the Greek administration and had its officials seeing that taxes were paid. Although Aramaic speakers were delegated as supervisors at the lower levels, Greeks and Greek-speaking natives were preferred, especially at the higher levels.

Greek education had its influence on Jews and Jewish education. Greek influence on Jewish literature is documented as early as Alexander’s conquest and can be illustrated from literature in Hebrew and Aramaic as well as those works composed directly in Greek. Evidence of the influence of Greek philosophy occurs in such Jewish circles as Qumran and writings such as 1 Enoch.

Against this, critics say that almost no information about education in Judaea at this time exists much less education in Greek, and Greek influence on literature in Hebrew and Aramaic is less clear than it plainly is in Greek writing. Apparent Greek parallels and influence cannot be shown not to be from other possible sources. Some Jews had a reasonable knowledge of Greek and many more had a smattering, but the actual number of Jews who could be considered to have spoken Greek in Palestine was probably not many—the evidence is not conclusive for a pervasive use of Greek throughout Jewish society in Palestine.

Was Galilee bilingual? Evidently not, if it means that Greek was widely used everywhere. Martin Hengel thinks that because it was completely encircled by Hellenized cities, it will have been largely bilingual. But, others find almost no evidence of Greek in Upper Galilee. Doubtless Greek had its place in Galilee but was not dominant. Aramaic was the colloquial language, as it was in most of the Near East. Royal inscriptions and many other sorts of documents were issued in Greek, but no law imposed it as the sole language of administration.

Hellenization

Critics say there is not much evidence of Hellenization before 175 BC in Palestine and in the Diaspora. Hellenization took longer than historians have allowed and only reached the lowest evels of Jewish society under the Romans. Fergus Millar concludes that “the evidence shows how un-Greek in structure, customs, observance, literary culture, language and historical outlook the Jewish community had remained down to the earlier second century, and how basic to it the rules imposed by Ezra and Nehemiah had remained.” Millar however regards a Hellenized Jew as not being Jewish and uses extreme interpretations such as that the Qumranites were not Essenes. For Millar, Jews would not attend the amphitheaters, gymnasia and sports stadia set up by the Greeks and Hellenized rulers like Herod.

The Hellenized countries were neither purely Greek nor purely Oriental. Some Orientals, including Jews, might be more Hellenized than others. The changes in Near Eastern culture instituted by the conquests of Alexander had not reached an equilibrium—the process was still evolving. Some places were strongly Greek, some remained strongly Oriental, and others were mixtures of various degrees. Anyone could be said to be “Hellenized” if they accepted some Greek ideals and customs.

Jews had kept intact aspects of their own culture while progressively adopting the Greek culture. Hellenized Jews began saying that sons of Abraham had been companions of Hercules, and descendants of Isaac had sailed with the Argonauts. Later, they identified Moses with Musaeus, the mythical son of Orpheus, who putatively lived long before Homer, wrote didactic verse and hymns, and, being a divinely gifted seer, like Tiresias, left a collection of oracular utterances. The link is not as absurd as it first looks since the name Orpheus might itself be a version of Ahuramazda, and have meant originally the same thing, “Shining Lord”.

There were educated and enlightened Jews who saw that they had to jettison the Persian cult, and to adopt at least the trappings of Greek civilization. That is what incensed the Maccabees. The process of Hellenization by adoption had reached the stage where strongly traditional Jews felt threatened. The reactions against Hellenization were complex and diverse, but the Jews were by no means the only people to fight it. Anti-Hellenism spread among Near Eastern peoples, including armed rebellion. The Maccabees were unusual in succeeding.

The Seleucid kings were not as oppressive as Maccabaean propaganda makes out. Were the Syrian Greeks worse than the Ptolemies? Although Egypt is famous for its finds of papyri in Greek, as much material was produced in Demotic in this period. Much of the work of the bureaucracy was bilingual. The Egyptian literary tradition flourished, and Demotic documents recorded bureaucratic and legal activity. Business and everyday transactions were still effected in the Egyptian language by Egyptians at all levels of society.

If Greek was imposed in Syria as the official language of the conquered territories and, for example, slave sale documents were issued only in Greek after 275 BC, the Seleucid kings made little attempt to enforce the law and the Greek Syrian kingdom continued to allow local languages to be used in official documents.

A Jew named Jesus, who had adopted the Greek name, Jason, became the high priest in Jerusalem, about 173 BC, representing those who wanted to introduce Greek culture. He cleared an area in the city and founded a gymnasium, a Greek institution that served both for athletics, which Jews abominated, and as an open club in which educated men could meet for intelligent, and often philosophical discussion, and where books were kept for consultation. The author of 2 Maccabees opposed the Hellenizing faction.

Apostasy

The main concern for Jews was the extent to which the adoption of some Greek culture implied religious apostasy. The propagandists for the Maccabees depicted the crisis in Judaea not as one of Hellenizing but one of religious suppression. In this sense, it is possible to speak of a clear distinction between the Hellenized Jews and the traditional ones. The Jewish state successfully gained independence when anti-Hellenizing—Judaizing—Jews, helped by the Hellenized Romans through their Hellenized Egyptian allies, rebelled against their Hellenized rulers. The Romans were simply fomenting dissension to undermine the declining Greek state. A few years later they annexed it.

Anti-Greek reaction stimulated the writing of literary propaganda against the Greeks. In Egypt, prophecies of the overthrow of Greek rule were made, including the Oracle of Bocchoris or the Lamb, the Potter’s Oracle, and the Demotic Chronicle. From Persia came the Oracle of Hystaspes. The Jews produced fake Sibylline Oracles, the Book of Daniel and rewrote the scriptures emphasising foreign influences in which the Greeks were disguised as Canaanites and Philistines. This literature itself was a way of kindling hope and venting frustration. It served to inspire the native peoples to active resistance and revolt and fed the apocalyptic religious mood.

Martin Hengel says talk of Judaism versus Hellenism or of Palestinian versus Hellenistic Judaism is wrong because it reduces a complex society to black and white, and treats a process as if it were static. The criticism doubtless has some truth, but depends on when and what is being referred to. Hellenization was a process, but the stories of the Maccabees and the gospels show that Jews themselves saw themselves as divided into Greeks and Hebrews. It is therefore perfectly valid to use Hellenization to represent this split. Hellenized Jews were therefore “Greeks” and those who resisted Hellenization in favour of traditional ways were “Hebrews.” Some scholars complain about this, as though historians who make these distinctions are somehow anti-Semitic.

Lester L Grabbe of the University of Hull, England, says in Ioudaios:

The stark dichotomy of “Hellenizers” and “Judaizers” of 1 Maccabees has been used too simplistically and thus has caused gross distortion. It assumes a narrow, prejudicial definition of what it means to be a loyal Jew with no allowance made for those of a different opinion. It is as if, to take a modern analogy, the only form of Judaism allowed to be “Jewish” were Orthodox Judaism. This may indeed be the view of some Orthodox Jews, but it is hardly the perspective of Conservative, Reform, Liberal, Karaite, Falasha, and other forms of Judaism. It is not the job of the historian to take sides or adopt the denominational prejudice of the sources.

While we can accept the point that matters are never distinctly black or white, Grabbe is effectively saying that historians should ignore their sources in favour of the enlightened ideas of today. Warfare, and particularly civil war, polarizes opinion, and the sources, even if they seem opposite extremes have to be respected unless we have other reasons to think they are propaganda. That is how the historian finds out why history happened. Other scholars tell us we must learn how to think like the people of old, but Grabbe seems to think they should think like him.

If Hellenism was a culture and Judaism a religion (in itself a questionable assertion), many aspects of Hellenism were not only irrelevant to the Jewish religion, but could be beneficial to Jews whether in religion or society at large. A Jewish philosopher, Aristobulus, in c 150 BC, claimed that the philosophy of Aristotle and the whole of Greek culture was derived from the scriptures!

But the historian wants to know what motivated the Jews in the 300 years from the Maccabaean rebellion through the events of the gospels to the rebellion of bar Kosiba. The main motivation they had was that many Jews saw Hellenization as pollution! They seemed still to think in the Persian mode of good and evil creations, and the traditional Persian religion was naturally the good one. We can disapprove of such a position, but we cannot ignore it on the grounds that “it is hardly the perspective of Conservative, Reform, Liberal, Karaite, Falasha, and other forms of Judaism.”

The Maccabees

In 171 BC, Jason was succeeded as high priest by a man whose name “after” was Menelaus. Josephus says that he was Onias, the brother of Onias, showing that these were not blood brothers but members of a brotherhood. These were Essenes or their precursors.

Menelaus was depicted as a wicked Jew. He became the instrument of the Pagan king, Antiochus IV Epiphanes, who allegedly persecuted the Jews and suppressed worship of Yehouah. It is absurd. The Seleucids were descendants of one of Alexander’s generals and were cultivated men with the same ambition as Alexander. They wanted Greek as the dominant civilization of their multi-racial subjects, but knew it could be achieved only by peace and good sense. Antiochus particularly wanted peace in Judaea, where normal communications along the major trade routes were made difficult by Jews perpetually rioting and using religious pretexts to justify a perpetual succession of petty but destructive civil wars. Antiochus had ambitions against Egypt which also required security in the rear.

Menelaus was a cultivated and highly intelligent Jew who saw that the future was with Greek culture, and that modernization meant the Jews had to change their Persian religion. That attitude won him the sympathy of Antiochus and a measure of support that was soon greatly increased. Menelaus offered Antiochus a large sum of money, which was doubtless welcome to finance his armies.

Antiochus was at war with Ptolemaic Egypt, and invaded that country. In 168 BC, a rumour reached Palestine that Antiochus had been defeated and killed. Menelaus was expelled by Jason and his faction, who had been engaged in treasonable intrigues with the Egyptians, in preparation for an Egyptian occupation of Jerusalem.

What had really happened was that Antiochus had won what should have been a decisive victory, but had been prevented from following it up by the intervention of an envoy from the Roman Senate, Popillius Laenas, who, in effect, made Egypt a Roman protectorate. As soon as the truth was known, Jason fled and Menelaus was restored to his priestly dignity. Both Hellenizers had large popular followings.

The net effect of this was to make Antiochus, who had been humiliated by the Romans and prevented from ending the menace to his kingdom from Egypt, willing to use his army to support Menelaus, who, officially the high priest of the Jews, proceeded to abolish all the innumerable and vulgar regulations of the law, the superstition about the sabbath, and circumcision. Menelaus was undoubtedly supported by a sizeable minority of educated Jews, many of whom engaged surgeons to uncircumcize them, the operation hitherto being nothing more than a nick in the foreskin.

A member of the family of Hasmonaeus murdered a priest who was about to perform a sacrifice in accordance with the new rule, and fled to the wilderness, where he organized gangs of bandits who flourished by raiding towns, slaying wealthy educated Jews, and grabbing their property. They won the support of the Aramaic speaking classes. Antiochus’s governor, Lysias, underestimated the difficulty and made ineffectual attempts to suppress them, which Jewish writers magnified into great victories for Yehouah’s resistance. These Hasmonaeans, now more commonly known as Maccabees from the epithet given them, derived from an Aramaic word meaning “hammer”, were terrorists.

Antiochus was now prepared to give Menelaus full support, and would have prevailed against the Maccabees, despite their Roman support, with his army still organized with Macedonian tactics and discipline. But he had to protect his eastern borders against the Parthians, and died, either poisoned or from a chronic fever at Gabae in Afghanistan.

Lysias, Antiochus’s governor of Syria, compromised and gave the terrorists an amnesty. The Hasmonaeans were admitted to the city and the traditional rites of Yehouah restored. The Hasmonaeans used their new position for aggression on the Hellenizing faction everywhere. Lysias saw his error and acted. He mobilized his army, occupied Jerusalem and other cities, and restored order. Lurid accounts of the thousands and thousands of martyrs slain by the Greeks were published, but the Jewish rebels were again saved.

Antiochus’s heir was a boy of ten, who had been left in the care of Lysias, but Antiochus, shortly before his death, discontented with Lysias’s blundering, named one his friends, Philip, the regent for the boy and governor of Syria. The boy’s uncle, Demetrius, also claimed the throne with Roman support, thus initiating a series of civil wars that weakened the Seleucid Empire and led to its downfall, as the Romans had planned. The news of Philip’s advent reached Lysias in Jerusalem and, in a panic, he negotiated another compromise with the Hasmonaeans, sacrificing even Menelaus.

The Hasmonaeans profited from the weakening of the Seleucid Empire to make their country independent, ruled Judaea, and occupied themselves with wars of aggression against their neighbours to increase the territory under their rule. Yet they soon proved that they too were Hellenizing opportunists, and assumed Greek names, from Hyrcanus and Aristobulus to the last of the line, Antiochus. They soon offended the puritans, the Hasidim, who split into Pharisees and Essenes. The Hellenizing Sadducees, accepted the five Mosaic books only, and were granted the priesthood. The Essenes withdrew to the desert in disgust. Surviving Hellenizers either escaped from Judaea or became Sadducees.

Greeks and Hebrews

We do not need to be told that all Jews were not opposed to all aspects of Hellenistic culture. The various Jewish revolutions were obviously not supported unquestioningly by all Jews, but the ones who did not give unquestioning support would have been classified by the Hebrews as “Greeks”.

The “anti-Greek” forces which followed on the Maccabean crisis did not try to erase the Greek influence of the previous century and a half, and Jewish Palestine even as it gained independence under the Hasmoneans remained a part of the Hellenistic world. Even gaining independence from Greek rule did not necessarily mean the overthrow of Hellenistic culture or the rooting out of all Greek elements or influences.

The Maccabees and their supporters supposedly reacted against the colonial powers because of oppression, yet retained much of the foreign culture that had become their normal way of life. The Hasmonean state threw off the Seleucid yoke but did not eliminate Greek culture from Judaea. Judaea under Hasmonean rule was typical of Hellenistic kingdoms. Indeed the Macabees caused distress to their supporters by openly allying with Rome and refusing to turn the priesthood over to the Zadokites.

Philo Judaeus (c 20 BC-c 50 AD) was a well-educated and learned man, versed in Greek literature and philosophy, a model of a Hellenized Jew, those he described as the “letzim”. He knew only the Septuagint. Wherever Philo wrote Jesus, the name is dishonestly changed to Joshua, to prevent Christian sheep from wondering about their Old Testament. Philo admits that the tale in the Old Testament about an armed conquest of Palestine led by Jesus or Joshua is preposterous.

Philo affirmed that the Divine Plan arranges the rise and fall of nations “to the end that the whole of our world should be as a single state, enjoying that best of constitutions, democracy”.

Truth is something that can and must be objectively determined—the opposite of lying, facts not fancies, reality not illusion. Truth for Philo is not what is, but what ought to be—it is what Yehouah commanded in the scriptures. It is the Jewish religion, as he understands it, after revising it with allegorical interpretations. It is faith and therefore irrational—the “truth of unreason”, as Bertrand Russell described faith in religions. Rational and objective truth is the antithesis of faith. The Jewish scriptures are fictions about a monstrous God giving human wimps the third degree, alternately bullying them into fear, then comforting them with love—scaring then soothing cissies unable to face the real world.

Philo was not interested in truth as the Greeks and all rational men conceive it. Philo tried to equate his religion to Stoicism, but no Stoic would ever have countenanced his faith in the “truth of unreason”. Philo even adapted to his religion the famous Stoic paradox that the vast majority of men are slaves, since they are enslaved by their desire for such things as pleasure, wealth, or glory, and that only a wise man (the Stoic sage) is free, because, even if he is in chains and being tortured, he retains command of his own mind and his moral integrity. Philo substitutes righteousness for Stoic wisdom.

Judaism in the first century was not a unified set of doctrines, but included many groups of Jews who were heretics according to the standards of the others. The real centre of Jewish power was not in Alexandria or Judaea, but in Babylon, reflecting the invention of Judaism by the Persians. The wealthy Jews of Babylon in the fifth century BC had never thought of emigrating to Judaea, and their opulent descendants later continued to flourish in the city. Except for a brief time, Babylon was outside the borders of the Graeco-Roman world, increasingly centered in Rome.

By the time of the events of the gospels, it is plain that there were Jews who welcomed the Roman invaders and others who resented them. Collaborators were called “publicans and sinners”, Hellenized apostates were called “Greeks” and pious Jews were called “Hebrews”, though all were Jews.

Were the “Hebrews” correct to regard all Hellenized Jews as apostates? Again, “Hellenized Jews” means here the ones that the traditional Jews opposed, and that is what is important for understanding the Jewish rebellions. Many of the militant Jews had Greek names, so were already participants in one aspect of Hellenization, but they were concerned that, if it went too far, even the remnant might disappear. The militants were themselves diverse, including the Hasidim, the Maccabees, the partisans of Onias, the Essenes, the Galilaeans and, evidently, the Nazarenes.

Hellenizers were doubtless equally diverse and certainly included the Sadducees and Herodians. Philo of Alexandria was a Hellenized Jew that considered himself to be doing the world a service by uniting Greek and Jewish ccultures. The Jason who became high priest (2 Macc 4:13); considered himself a full and faithful Jew, but obtained permission for Jerusalem to become a Greek foundation. Grabbe says that because “some Jews may have judged him an apostate is irrelevant to the question of his own self designation or Jewish identity”. Too true, but the relevant point is that Jason was thought by his opponents to have been an apostate and evidently the Sadducees that followed him were all thought of in the same way, even though they were administering the temple! It was the cause of the war as far as the Maccabees were concerned.

Christians

What is more to the point, by the time of the gospel events, is to what extent were Hellenized Jews considered as apostates by the “Hebrews?” Grabbe insists that “in accommodating to Hellenistic culture the Jews always maintained one area which could not be compromised without affecting their Judaism, that of religion”, yet, if Hellenization is a process, it must have at one extreme the purely Greek culture, religion and all. Palestinian Jews must have had good reason for concern when they saw their temple taken over by Greeks. It was only a question of time before Yehouah became Zeus, and surely that is the point about the “Abomination of Desolation”. It is simplistic to say that “Jews were unique and did not lose their identity”. The early success of Christianity was surely precisely because it appealed to those Hellenized Jews that were crossing the boundary from Judaism.

Jews seemed only to mix with gentiles for commercial reasons and even these were restricted by the purity laws. The pious Jew could not dine at the table of a gentile or receive a gentile as a dinner guest. They were not allowed to visit the theatre, the circus, the gymnasium or even to read a non-Jewish book, except at twilight, when it was obviously not easy to do. As the Persian administrators, like Ezra, following the Persian precedent had presecribed, mixed marriages were forbidden and were severely penalized. They sound so strict as to have been Essenes rather than typical Jews, and it is true that we know the Essenes had strict rules for managing the relations between their members and gentiles.

Diaspora Jews lived apart, in separate quarters grouped around their synagogues. The synagogue is described by Philo as a great centre of religious teaching, and there were many of them in Egypt. What is remarkable, and never commented on by Christian ot Jewish commentators, is that Philo, writing about the Essenes, refers to a “sacred spot” called a “synagogue” that he describes as “their name” for “their institution!” For the prayer houses of the Therapeutae Philo uses the word “semneion” and in other cases, words like “proseuche” were used, but—muddying the water as ever—Christian and Jewish translators have rendered this quite different word also as “synagogue”. If we are to believe Philo, then, the synagogue was not any place where Jews met, but a place organized by Essenes for Jews to meet.

If, “Jews alone in the Greco-Roman world refused honor to gods, shrines, and cults other than their own”, they were only a subset of Jews—the Jews who refused to be Hellenized in matters of religion because they had simple but specific rules against it and overseers to impose them. Grabbe says the majority would not cross the final barrier from Judaism and says we know only a handful of examples from antiquity in which Jews abandoned their Judaism. Can he tell us how many examples we should expect? And what of the chances that Jewish congregations absorbed Hellenization?

Dura-Europos Synagogue
Dura-Europos Synagogue

Archaeological excavations have shown that opulent synagogues in Asia outside Judaea took their orthodoxy lightly, ignoring even the injunction about not worshipping other deities before Yehouah. If Greek gods were not worshipped in those synagogues, and there is at least one example of a prayer to Helios, composed in Greek but written in the Hebrew alphabet, they were at least sufficiently venerated to be given iconic representation. Everyone was astonished when the excavations at Dura-Europos reached the remains of a monumental third century AD synagogue in which at least two Greek deities were portrayed on the walls.

More recently and more astonishingly, a synagogue built, regardless of cost, in the fourth century AD at Tiberias, on the western shore of the Sea of Galilee and hence in Judaea itself, had a finely-wrought central mosaic, in which Helios is encircled by the zodiac, with its constellations represented by the customary figures. Three of the four corners of the mosaic are preserved. In one corner is the head of a woman wearing a radiant crown, a goddess, holding a sickle. In the opposite corner a maiden with the white headdress of a virgin is pouring water from an ewer. In the third corner, a woman, perhaps garlanded, seems to be holding up a bowl of some fruit. Each figure is identified by a word in an alphabet similar to Hebrew.

Undoubtedly proselytizing went on in synagogues, but there is no suggestion that Essenes refused to accept non-Jews, despite their exclusivity. Synagogues attracted god-fearers, and, if potential converts agreed to accept the law and the Essenic special rules, then they were admitted to the order. One of the four castes of the Essenes was that of proselyte. This admits of the possibility of diaspora synagogues melting into a Hellenistic form of Judaism. Surely that is what we read in the letters of Paul and is the way Christianity began.

Millions of diaspora Jews eventually abandoned their old religion to fit into the Roman world. Many of them were called Christians. Because they had been caught up in the process of Hellenization and had gone beyond the point of return, they can have thought of it as no big deal. It would have seemed as natural, banal and unnoteworthy as abandoning Christianity has been to the 90 per cent of secular Britons and many Americans today.




By Dr M D Magee.

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Sunday, May 27, 2007

Οι Περι Θειου Αντιληψεις Του Γεωργιου Γεμιστου

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Η καλύτερη κατανόηση των περί Θείου απόψεων του Γεμιστού προϋποθέτει και τη γνώση της ουσίας στη διαμάχη μεταξύ Νέοπλατωνικών και Χριστιανών, έτσι όπως αυτή είχε διαμορφωθεί από τα πρώτα χρόνια του Βυζαντίου. Ο διωγμός της Ακαδημίας των Αθηνών, δεν ήταν καθόλου άσχετος με τις απόψεις του Πρόκλου περί «αϊδιότητος του Κόσμου». Ο Ιωάννης Φιλόπονος από την Αλεξάνδρεια, είχε απαντήσει στα μέσα του έκτου αιώνα στον Έλληνα φιλόσοφο με τη γνωστή πραγματεία «Κατά των Πρόκλου περί αϊδιότητος του Κόσμου επιχειρημάτων», και σε πλήρη σύγχυση είχε προσπαθήσει να απαντήσει με επιχειρήματα μέσα από τον Πλάτωνα και από τον Αριστοτέλη, μολονότι ο πρώτος δεχόταν την ύπαρξη της ουσίας προ της Δημιουργίας και ο δεύτερος, με λίγες διαφορές, συμφωνούσε με τον Πρόκλο.
Άλλωστε, είναι γνωστό ότι ουδέποτε η Ελληνική Σκέψη δέχτηκε «έξωθεν και εκ του μηδενός» Δημιουργό του Κόσμου. Η δημιουργία του Κόσμου έτσι όπως δίνεται από τη Γένεση των Ιουδαίων, δεν μπορεί να γίνει κατανοητή από τον Έλληνα Άνθρωπο. Τα ενδιάμεσα επίπεδα μεταξύ Υπέρτατου Θεού και ανθρώπων ικανοποιούν τη φύση του στο να μη βλέπει αποξενωμένο το Θείο από το ανθρώπινο. Αυτή η κλιμακούμενη διάταξη των Θεών, αυτή η διαβαθμισμένη ιεραρχία των Θείων, με μια πλήρωση από πάνω προς τα κάτω και όχι δια υποβολής, αποτέλεσε το πρότυπο του Πλήθωνος για το δικό του Πάνθεον.

Το βασικό πρόβλημα που αντιμετώπιζε ο Γεμιστός στην υπέρβαση του κοινωνικού κατεστημένου, ήταν πρώτα απ’ όλα το ξεπέρασμα της βυζαντινής παράδοσης που ήθελε τον αυτοκράτορα ως τάχα δικαίως αυταρχικό όργανο μιας θείας πολιτικής. Όπως και αλλού ήδη περιγράψαμε, ο «ελέω Θεού» μονάρχης ήταν ο αντικατοπτρισμός στη γη ενός μονοθεϊστικού μοντέλου, στην προκειμένη περίπτωση του Χριστιανισμού, που κατά τον Γεμιστό πάση θυσία έπρεπε να αντικατασταθεί με κάποιο άλλο μοντέλο, το οποίο θα παρείχε μεγαλύτερο βαθμό συνάφειας με την Ιδανική Πολιτεία του. Έψαξε δηλαδή για μια θρησκεία που θα μπορούσε να στηρίξει την ανάλογη πολιτική του μεταρρύθμιση, τη «σπουδαία» Πολιτεία του όπως τόνιζε στο Θεόδωρο. Για τον σκοπό αυτό, κατέφυγε στον Πλάτωνα. Η σημασία λοιπόν της νεοπλατωνικής θεώρησής του ήταν ο ηθικός κώδικας που έβγαινε από αυτή. Η δε Κοσμολογία του, όπως θα δούμε, έδινε μεγαλύτερη αξία στον υλικό κόσμο. Στον Πλήθωνα, το χάσμα της αποξένωσης μίκραινε σε εκπληκτικό βαθμό. Ο άνθρωπος έστρεφε το βλέμμα του πιο πολύ προς το Φυσικό Κόσμο και το αχανές και ψυχρό διάστημα ξανακέρδιζε μέρος της χαμένης μοναξιάς του. Ο Massai γράφει χαρακτηριστικά: «Η ψυχή που δεν έχει ενσαρκωθεί, δεν ευρίσκεται σε πλεονεκτικότερη θέση από εκείνη που έχει ενσαρκωθεί. Η παρούσα ζωή είναι εξ ίσου ουσιώδης και διαρκής, εφόσον η ανθρώπινη ζωή θα πρέπει διαδοχικώς να λαμβάνει και να εγκαταλείπει το φθαρτό σώμα. Γι’αυτό ο Πλήθων προτιμά την προσφορά της παρούσης ζωής από κάθε μελλοντική υπόσχεση και ελπίδα .

Η βασική του Κοσμολογική Αρχή παραμένει πιστή στην Ελληνική Παράδοση, σύμφωνα με την οποία ο Κόσμος όλος είναι φτιαγμένος από άφθαρτες και αιώνιες ουσίες και δεν μπορεί ποτέ του να καταστραφεί. Άποψη που έντονα είχε καταδιώξει η χριστιανική σκέψη, υποστηρίζοντας αντίθετα τις βιβλικές αντιλήψεις. Το μη φθαρτό του Κόσμου εξουδετέρωνε την εσχατολογική φύση του Μονοθεϊσμού, όπως και την σχετικά δουλική αναγωγή του υπαρκτού σήμερα στο μακρινό και ασαφές προσδοκόμενο. Ακύρωνε την καθοσίωση μιας ζωής βασάνων και δυστυχίας, όπου το μέλλον έφτανε να προσδιορίζεται μόνο μέσα από την προσμονή, και ολόκληρη η ανθρώπινη ύπαρξη μέσα από την προσδοκία. Η γενικευμένη υποδούλωση του ανθρώπου ήταν γεγονός. Άνθρωπος-υπήκοος ενός δήμιου-δημιουργού, εξόριστος σκλάβος σε έναν κόσμο υποταγμένο μέχρι τα σπλάχνα του στην βία, κατακάθι ενός χαμένου ουρανού, ξένος πάνω στην ίδια του τη γη. Ο άνθρωπος βρισκόταν εξόριστος πάνω σε ένα πλανήτη πού δεν ήταν τίποτε περισσότερο από ένα στρατόπεδο συγκέντρωσης, όπως και φυλακισμένος μέσα σ’ ένα σώμα πού δεν ήταν τίποτε περισσότερο από μία φυλακή για δυστυχισμένες ψυχές . (Αποτέλεσμα αυτής της βιοαντίληψης και οι γνωστές σε όλους μας «καλύτερες μέρες», το προσφιλές σύνθημα όλων των υποψήφιων εξουσιαστών της γής, «προοδευτικών» ή «συντηρητικών», που αν και λίαν συντόμως μεταλλάσσεται σε απογοήτευση, εντούτοις κάθε φορά το αόριστο μέλλον γίνεται επίσης αυτομάτως και μια νέα αρχή για μια νέα ακόμη προσδοκία. Στην «Άριστη» Πολιτεία, η πραγμάτωση του πολίτη έρχεται μέσα σε αυτή την ίδια τη ζώσα πραγματικότητα και όχι σε ένα ασαφές μέλλον, μιας και αυτό, ειδωμένο μόνο ως χυδαίο επενδυτικό έδρανο, είναι παντελώς άγνωστο στον Κόσμο των Ελλήνων ).

Στον ίδιο τον Άνθρωπο, ο Πλήθων, σύμφωνα με την κλασσική πλατωνική αντίληψη, διακρίνει ψυχή αθάνατη και σώμα θνητό, που και τα δυο όμως έχουν την αιτία τους στο Θεό. Η αντίληψη αυτή επεκτείνεται και στα ζώα, τα φυτά, τους πλανήτες, που την ύπαρξή τους οφείλουν σε κάποιες διαφορετικές χρονικά αιτίες, οι οποίες εκφράζουν ξεχωριστές δυναμικότητες, και όλες μαζί έχουν την αιτία τους στον «Άκρως Ένα». Πρόκειται για έναν εσωκοσμικό Δημιουργό, αυτογένητο, αθάνατο, μέγιστο, εκ της ουσίας του αγαθό, πατέρα και αιτία όλων των πραγμάτων. Στην συνέχεια έχουν δημιουργηθεί οι υπόλοιπες θεότητες, που γεννήθηκαν από αυτόν και σε αυτόν έχουν την αιτία.. Αυτοί οι Θεοί, ανάλογα με τη δημιουργία τους και τις ιδιότητές τους, διακρίνονται σε διάφορες τάξεις. Οι πρώτοι, είναι τα παιδιά του Διός, είναι δηλαδή τα Έργα. Οι δεύτεροι, τα παιδιά των παιδιών του Διός, είναι τα Έργα των Έργων. Οι Θεοί που έχουν γεννηθεί απ’ ευθείας από τον Δία λέγονται Υπερουράνιοι, και είναι απαλλαγμένοι από το σώμα και την ύλη. Μετά τους Υπερουράνιους Θεούς ακολουθούν οι Ουράνιοι Θεοί, με τελευταίο μεταξύ αισθητού Κόσμου και Θεών τον Άνθρωπο, ο οποίος αποτελείται από ύλη και ψυχή.




Ο ΠΛΗΘΩΝ ΣΤΗ ΛΑΚΕΔΑΙΜΟΝΑ


Mετά την περιπέτεια της Ανδριανούπολης, άλλοι θέλουν τον Γεμιστό - Πλήθωνα να πηγαίνει κατ’ ευθείαν στο Μυστρά (όπως ισχυρίζεται λ.χ. ο Καζάζης ): «…Εκείθεν (δηλ. από την Ανδριανούπολη ) αντί να μεταβήναι εις Κωνσταντινούπολιν, διατελούσαν εν τραγική καταστάσει, απήλθεν εις Πελοπόννησον, ήτις διετέλει οπωσδήποτε απηλλαγμένη των τουρκικών επιδρομών… Ότε κατήλθεν εις αυτήν ο Πλήθων, εν έτει 1393. Δεσπότης ετύγχανεν ο Θεόδωρος Παλαιολόγος…», άλλοι τον θέλουν να πηγαίνει μετά από λίγα χρόνια όπως ισχυρίζεται ο Μαμαλάκις. Κάποιοι άλλοι πάλι θεωρούν πολύ πιθανό να πέρασε και από την Αθήνα, η οποία εκείνη την εποχή βρισκόταν στην κατοχή της φλωρεντιανής Δυναστείας των Ατσαγιόλι, προκειμένου να δει και να θαυμάσει από κοντά τα κλασικά μνημεία, αρκετά από τα οποία σώζονταν μέχρι τότε σε άριστη σχεδόν κατάσταση.
Ο Ιωάννης Μαμαλάκις επισημαίνει στην μελέτη του «Ο Γεώργιος Γεμιστός Πλήθων»: «Υπήρχε ένα αργυρόβουλο του Θεοδώρου Β’, υιού του Μανουήλ, που τον έστειλε ο πατέρας του στην Πελοπόννησο μετά τον θάνατο του Θεοδώρου Α’, αδελφού του Μανουήλ (1407). Το αργυρόβουλο αυτό το αναφέραμε και σε άλλη εργασία μας, για να υποστηρίξουμε τη γνώμη μας ότι ο Γεμιστός δεν ήταν Πελοποννήσιος. Έχει εκδοθεί το 1433 και αρχίζει ως εξής: Ο οικείος τη βασιλεία μου κυρ Γεώργιος ο Γεμιστός, ήλθεν μεν πρότινων ετών ορισμώ του αγίου μου αυθέντου και βασιλέως, του πατρός μου, του αειδήμου και μακαρίτου, και ευρίσκεται εις την δουλωσύνην ημών…» Τόσο από αυτό το απόσπασμα, όσο και από το ύφος της γνωστής επιστολής του Γεμιστού προς τον Μανουήλ, ο Μαμαλάκις κατέληγε στο ότι ο Γεμιστός κατ’ αρχάς δεν έφτασε στο Μωριά διωκόμενος από το αυτοκρατορικό περιβάλλον. Επίσης, αφού τον βρίσκουμε να ζητάει να ληφθούν όχι μόνο απλώς κάποια μέτρα, αλλά επιπλέον και να εκδηλωθούν κάποιες πρωτοβουλίες με πρωταγωνιστή τον ίδιο, μάλλον θα πρέπει να έφθασε στην Πελοπόννησο λίγο πριν την άφιξη σε αυτήν του Μανουήλ.

Η άποψη του Καζάζη είναι ότι ο φιλόσοφός μας θα πρέπει να έφθασε στο Μυστρά γύρω στις αρχές του 1400 και εκ πρώτης όψεως συμφωνεί με την πρώτη γραπτή μαρτυρία του Γεμιστού στην Πελοπόννησο, που δεν είναι άλλη από τον επικήδειο που έγραψε με αφορμή το θάνατο του Θεοδώρου του Α («Προθεωρία εις τον Επιτάφιον Μανουήλ Παλαιολόγου») ο οποίος έφερε χρονολογία 1407. Σχολαστικότερες όμως μελέτες απέδειξαν ότι ναι μεν το κείμενο μπορεί να συντάχθηκε από το περιβάλλον του Μανουήλ, δηλ. από τον Γεμιστό, διαβάστηκε όμως από τον μοναχό Ισίδωρο και από το λόγιο Θεσσαλονικέα Θεόδωρο Γαζή. Από τα παραπάνω οδηγούμαστε στο συμπερασμα ότι η πραγματική άφιξη του τελευταίου Έλληνος φιλοσόφου στο Μωριά, ίσως απείχε κατά πολύ από 1400 και μέλλον περί τα 1414 θα πρέπει να τοποθετείται αυτή λογικά.

Εκεί. στον Μυστρά. ο Πλήθων απέκτησε το αξίωμα του ανώτατου δικαστικού, καθώς και την κηδεμονία δύο γειτονικών πόλεων (Φανάρι και Βρύσες ) ώστε να έχει την ανάλογη οικονομική άνεση που απαιτούσε η θέση του. Από το μόνο σωζόμενο χρυσόβουλο (χρονολογούμενο το 1449) του Κωνσταντίνου του Παλαιολόγου, παίρνουμε την πληροφορία ότι ο αυτοκράτορας επικυρώνει μία δωρεά προς τους γιους του Γεμιστού Ανδρόνικο και Δημήτριο «… Επειδή ενεφάνισεν εις την Βασιλείαν μου ο οικείος αύτη κύρις Γεώργιος ο Γεμιστός αργυρόβουλον ορισμόν του περιποθήτου αυταδέλφου…ευεργετούντα προς τους υιούς αυτού ά δη ευεργετεί και εδεήθη και παρεκάλεσε τη Βασιλεία μου επικυρωθήναι και παρ’ αυτής…»

Στον Μυστρά, η παρουσία του Πλήθωνος σύντομα έγινε έντονα αισθητή. Οι απόψεις του πάνω σε ζητήματα νομικής φύσεως, προκαλούσαν αίσθηση τόσο για την αμεροληψία τους, όσο και για την υποδειγματικότητά τους. Ο θαυμαστής και μαθητής του Ιερώνυμος Χαριτώνυμος, θα τονίσει στον επικήδειό του: «…Και μην δικαιοσύνη τοιαύτη τις ή τώ ανδρί, ως λήρον είναι Μίνω εκείνον και Ραδάμανθυν τούτω παραβαλλομένους. Ούκουν ηχθέσθη γουν ουδείς πώπωτε τι των εκείνω δοκούντων, αλλ’ ως θεία ψήφος το τούτω δόξαν ην. Στέργοντες δ’ ουν άμφω και προσκυνούντες, ότε ηττηθείς και ο νικήσας απήεσαν, και τοι μη ούτω πεφυκός τοις άλλοις συμβαίνειν και τούτ’ εικότως, οίμαι. Μόνος γαρ ούτος η κομιδή συν ολίγοις ακραιφνή την των νόμων είχεν κατάληψιν, εξηκρίβωσε τι, είπερ τις, αυτούς άριστα. Επεί και ει γε ποτε απωλέσθαι τούτοις, συνέβη, ακριβέστερον αν ούτος εξέθετο Σόλωνος παντός και Λυκόργου…»

Για τους λόγους της επιλογής του Μυστρά από τον Γεμιστό ως λίκνο της αναδιοργάνωσης και ανάστασης του Ελληνισμού, έχουν ειπωθεί πολλά. Θα δεχθούμε όλες τις απόψεις, γιατί όπως είπαμε πολλοί είναι οι λόγοι που ορίζουν και συνθέτουν το πραγματικό κίνητρο μετάβασής του στη Νότια Ελλάδα. Πρώτα απ’ όλα οι Τούρκοι, τουλάχιστον εκείνη την εποχή δεν ενδιαφέρονταν διόλου για τον Νότο, μιας και το ενδιαφέρον τους το μονοπωλούσε η Κωνσταντινούπολη. Έπειτα, όπως αναφέρει και ο Κωνσταντίνος Πορφυρογέννητος στο έργο του «Περί των Εθνών», η Μάνη και οι γύρω περιοχές - που μόλις τον ένατο με δέκατο αιώνα άρχισαν να αποδέχονται τον Χριστιανισμό, κυρίως μετά την εξόντωση των ιερέων τους από τον ασιάτη προσηλυτιστή Νίκωνα τον «Μετανοείτε»-, διακατέχονταν ακόμη από έναν πολύ έντονο εθνισμό. Πράγμα που σημαίνει ότι και στον δέκατο πέμπτο αιώνα θα πρέπει να βρήκε ο Πλήθωνας στη γή των Λακώνων κάποια πολύ έντονα, και όχι μόνο γλωσσικά, στοιχεία του Αρχαίου Εθνικού Πολιτισμού. Ο ενθουσιασμός του δύσκολα άλλωστε κρύβεται μέσα στο υπόμνημά του προς τον Μανουήλ όπου επισημαίνει: «Εσμέν γαρ ουν ων ηγείσθε τε και βασιλεύετε Έλληνες το γένος, ως ήτε η φωνή και η πάτριος παιδεία μαρτυρεί. Έλλησι δε ουκ έστιν ευρείν ήτις άλλη οικειοτέρα χώρα ουδέν μάλλον προσήκουσα η Πελοπόννησος τε και όση δη ταύτη της Ευρώπης προσεχής των τε αυ νήσων επικείμεναι. Ταύτην γαρ δη φαίνονται την χώραν Έλληνες αεί οικούντς οι αυτοί εξ ότουπερ άνθρωποι διαμνημονεύουσιν, ουδένων άλλων προενωκηκότων…» δηλαδή «…εμείς πάνω στους οποίους είστε ηγεμόνας και βασιλεύς, είμαστε Έλληνες κατά την καταγωγή, όπως μαρτυρεί η γλώσσα και η πατροπαράδοτος παιδεία. Είναι αδύνατο να εύρη κανείς μία άλλη χώρα που να είναι περισσότερο οικεία και συγγενική στους Έλληνες από την Πελοπόννησο, καθώς και από το τμήμα της Ευρώπης που γειτονεύει με την Πελοπόννησο και από τα νησιά που γειτονεύουν προς αυτή. Γιατί είναι φανερό ότι οι Έλληνες κατοικούσαν πάντοτε σε αυτή τη χώρα, από τον καιρό που αρχίζει η μνήμη των ανθρώπων, χωρίς προηγουμένως να έχει κατοικήσει πάνω σε αυτή κανένας άλλος…»

Ο Π. Κανελλόπουλος ωστόσο, υιοθετώντας τις απόψεις του Γενναδίου υποστηρίζει ότι ο αυτοκράτορας Μανουήλ έδιωξε τον Πλήθωνα στον Μυστρά για να τον σώσει τάχα από επικείμενη καταδίκη του εξαιτίας των ζωροαστρικών του αντιλήψεων. Ο Τατάκης πάλι θέλει τον Γεμιστό στην Πελοπόννησο για τονώσει την εθνική συνείδηση των Ελλήνων ενώ ο Μασάϊ υποστηρίζει ότι αυτός ήθελε, με πυρήνα το κάστρο του Μυστρά, να ιδρύσει ένα ενιαίο και ανεξάρτητο Ελληνικό Κράτος. Η τελευταία αυτή άποψη μάς φαίνεται πλησιέστερη προς την αλήθεια, αν σκεφθεί κανείς ότι μπροστά στον επερχόμενο κίνδυνο δεν ήσαν λίγοι οι διανοούμενοι της εποχής που, είτε από αηδία προς την επικρατούσα κατάσταση, είτε από φόβο, επέλεγαν τον δρόμο της φυγής προς τον -για την ώρα- απρόσιτο Νότο. Πολλές ήσαν οι επώνυμες οικογένειες όπως εκείνη του Λάσκαρη, που ήδη είχαν επιλέξει τον Μυστρά ως ασφαλές καταφύγιό τους. Αποτέλεσμα αυτού ήταν η εκεί ανάπτυξη του Εμπορίου και των Γραμμάτων, καθώς και η ανάδειξη εκείνου του μικρού μεσαιωνικού χωριού, σε πόλο ιδιαίτερα ελκυστικό για κάθε είδους οραματιστές αλλά και, γενικώς ειπείν, «ελπίζοντες».

Ένας άλλος λόγος που έκανε τον Γεμιστό, αλλά και όλους τους άλλους που χαρακτηρίζονταν από τις ίδιες αγωνίες να στρέψουν την προσοχή τους προς την Πελοπόννησο, ήταν ο ρόλος που της προσέδιδε η στρατηγική της θέση στο διεθνές εμπόριο της εποχής. Όπως είναι γνωστό, η όλη πολιτική στη λεκάνη της Μεσογείου, κατά ένα μεγάλο ποσοστό είχε να κάνει με τα οικονομικά συμφέροντα των παράλιων κυρίως ιταλικών πόλεων. Η Πελοπόννησος λοιπόν, σαν ένας κρίκος από τον κλασικό και καλά δοκιμασμένο δρόμο προς τα παράλια της Παλαιστίνης (Βενετία, Κέρκυρα, Ζάκυνθος, Μεθώνη, Κύπρος και πάει λέγοντας ) έδινε τη δυνατότητα στον Γεμιστό να παζαρέψει ή να επιβάλλει την ύπαρξή της με καλύτερους όρους, ιδίως μετά τη δραματική μεταστροφή των Δυτικών υπέρ των εξαπλούμενων Τούρκων.

Πάνω απ’ όλα όμως, ο Πλήθων αναζητούσε έναν ασφαλή γεωγραφικό χώρο, απαλλαγμένο από καλογερίστικους βυζαντινισμούς, ο οποίος τροφοδοτούμενος με τις ιδέες της Ευνομίας και της Αρετής θα μπορούσε πολύ σύντομα να αντισταθεί στην επερχόμενη καταστροφή. Ποτισμένος από τον λόγο του δασκάλου του Κυδώνη, ο Πλήθων έψαξε για έναν τόπο όπου η ζωή δεν θα ήταν δυστυχία, αλλά χαρά και ευτυχία. Για ένα τόπο, όπου ο ξαναγεννημένος Ελληνικός Λόγος θα κατάφερνε μέσα από το μοναδικό εργαλείο που γνωρίζει, δηλαδή μέσα από τους Νόμους, να ξαναπροτείνει και πάλι την χαμένη έννοια του πολίτη. Για έναν τόπο τέλος, όπου ο εσωτερικός άνθρωπος θα ξαναεπιχειρούσε την επανεύρεση της παλαιάς ενότητός του με τον Κόσμο.

Η Πελοπόννησος, εκτός των σωζομένων εθνικών, πολιτισμικών και γλωσσικών ελληνικών στοιχείων, αποτελούσε λοιπόν ένα εξαίρετο γεωστρατηγικό σημείο στον ευρύτερο χάρτη της Ανατολικής Μεσογείου. Η δυνατή οχύρωσή της από τη μεριά του Ισθμού, έφραζε το δρόμο για κάθε επίδοξο εισβολέα δυναμώνοντας τα γνωστά επιχειρήματα του Γεμιστού: «Αλλ’ εις ασφάλειαν τίνος ουκ αν είη κρείττων χώρας, νήσος τε ούσα τηλικαύτη ομού και ήπειρος η αυτή και παρέχουσα τοις ενοικούσι κατά τρόπον χρωμένοις ταις υπάρχουσαις αφορμαίς, απ’ ελαχίστης μεν της παρασκευής, ει τις επίοι αμύνεσθαι, υπάρχειν δε και επεξιέναι, όταν εθέλθωσιν. Ώστε και άλλης ουκ ολίγης αν ραδίως προς τήδε κρατείν…» δηλαδή «…Αλλά και σχετικά με το ζήτημα της ασφαλείας από ποια χώρα δεν είναι ανώτερη; Γιατί συγχρόνως είναι και μεγάλη νήσος ή ίδια και ήπειρος και δίνει τη δυνατότητα στους κατοίκους της, όταν κατά κατάλληλο τρόπο χρησιμοποιούν τα ορμητήριά της, να αποκρούουν με ελαχίστη προπαρασκευή τον εχθρό που θα έκανε επίθεση. Παρέχει επίσης την ευκαιρία να κάνουν οι κάτοικοί της εκστρατείες εναντίον άλλων, όταν το θελήσουν. Ώστε εύκολα να μπορούν να γίνουν κύριοι και άλλων χωρών…» Αυτά τονίζει ο Πλήθων σε ένα από τα τρία του υπομνήματα προς τους Παλαιολόγους.

Από την καρδιά της Πελοποννήσου άρχισε λοιπόν ο σοφός Πλήθων να βάζει τα θεμέλια μίας νέας μεταρρύθμισης, όχι για την ανάκαμψη της πάλαι ποτέ «κραταιάς» αυτοκρατορίας των Βυζαντινών, αλλά μόνο για τη δημιουργία των προϋποθέσεων ενός εντελώς καινούργιου ξεκινήματος του Ελληνισμού μέσα στον ίδιο γεωγραφικό χώρο της Κλασικής Ελλάδος. Ο φιλοσοφικός του λόγος φιλοδοξούσε ν’ αντικαταστήσει τον κυρίαρχο Χριστιανισμό και να οδηγήσει στην ανάσταση του παλιού, αρχαίου, εθνικού μεγαλείου των Ελλήνων. Απογοητευμένος από την ησυχαστική τάση του ανατολικού Χριστιανισμού που εκείνη την εποχή ήταν πλέον κυρίαρχη σε όλα τα επίπεδα, ο Πλήθων αναζήτησε, συνέλαβε και πρότεινε μία περισσότερο πολιτική θρησκεία, ικανή να ανασυντάξει τον κατεστραμμένο ιστό στην προετοιμασία για ένα εντελώς νέο ευνομούμενο Κράτος των Ελλήων, σύμφωνα με τις απαιτήσεις του νέου κόσμου που τότε διαμορφωνόταν. Η ανάδειξη της σημασίας του Φυσικού Κόσμου, η θέληση για ζωή μέσα σε αυτόν και όχι στους νεφελώδεις υπερβατικούς ουρανούς, τού ήταν γνωστό ότι θα γεννούσε στις ψυχές των ανθρώπων την ανάγκη για μία διαφορετική, πολύ πιο άνθρώπινη και ελπιδοφόρα οργάνωση της επίγειας ζωής τους. Προς αυτή λοιπόν την κατεύθυνση, η πραγμάτωση της περίφημης Πολιτείας του Πλάτωνος στα μέσα της δεύτερης χιλιετίας και στην ασφαλή σχετικά χώρα των αρχαίων Λακεδαιμονίων έγινε το μεγάλο όραμα του Γεωργίου Γεμιστού.

Όχι μόνο για τον ίδιο, αλλά επίσης και για όλους όσους μοιράζονταν μαζί του το όραμα της αναγέννησης του Ελληνικού Κόσμου, η Πελοπόννησος συγκέντρωνε πάνω της όλες τις ελπίδες αλλά και τις αγωνίες του επιχειρήματος. Από εκεί, ο Πλήθων συνέταξε -όπως ήδη αναφέραμε- τρία πολύ σημαντικά υπομνήματα περί οργάνωσης και αναδιάρθρωσης του Κράτους. Για τα σημαντικότατα εκείνα υπομνήματα που προκάλεσαν το ενδιαφέρον ακόμη και του Fallmerayer, πολλά έχουν μέχρι σήμερα ειπωθεί και πολλά επίσης γραφτεί. Στην Ελλάδα, άρχισαν να γίνονται γνωστά μόνο μετά το 1870, όταν ο A. Ellissen μπήκε στον κόπο να μας τα μεταφράσει. Χαρακτηριστικό της μέχρι τότε έλλειψης αυτών των σημαντικών στοιχείων υπήρξε και το παράπονο του ιστορικού Παπαρρηγόπουλου: «…του Γεμιστού Πλήθωνος, δεν έχω κατά δυστυχίαν, κείμενον και ούτε εν τη βιβλιοθήκη του Πανεπιστημίου υπάρχει…»



Κώσταs Π. Μανδηλάs
«ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΣ ΓΕΜΙΣΤΟΣ – ΠΛΗΘΩΝ»

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Tuesday, May 22, 2007

Asatru in Iceland

Originally aired on CityTV in Canada. This is a short feature about modern Asatru and depicts it's following in Iceland.

Monday, May 21, 2007

Domovoi, the Slavic Household Deity




A domovoi (literally, "he of the house") is a house spirit in Slavic folklore. Domovois (the correct plural form is domovye) are masculine, typically small, and sometimes covered in hair all over. According to some traditions, the domovye take on the appearance of current or former owners of the house and have a grey beard, sometimes with tails or little horns. There are tales of neighbours seeing the master of the house out in the yard while in fact the real master is asleep in bed. It has also been said that domovye can take on the appearance of cats or dogs, but reports of this are fewer than of that mentioned before.

Alternative names:

Traditionally, every house is said to have its domovoi. It does not do evil unless angered by a family’s poor keep of the household, profane language or neglect. The domovoi is seen as the home's guardian, and he sometimes helps with household chores and field work. Some even treat them as part of the family, albeit an unseen one, and leave them gifts like milk and biscuits in the kitchen overnight. To attract a Domovoy, go outside of your house wearing your best clothing and say aloud "Dedushka Dobrokhot, please come into my house and tend the flocks." To rid yourself of a rival Domovoy, beat your walls with a broom, shouting "Grandfather Domovoy, help me chase away this intruder." When moving, make an offering to the Domovoy and say "Domovoy! Domovoy! Don't stay here but come with our family!"

The favorite place for these spirits to live is either the threshold under the door or under the stove. The center of the house is also their domain. The domovoi maintains peace and order, and rewards a well-maintained household. Peasants feed him nightly in return for protection of their house. When a new house was built, the Polish homeowner would attract one of the domovoi by placing a piece of bread down before the stove was put in, and the Russian one would coerce the old house's domovoi to move with the family by offering an old boot as a hiding place. People made sure they only kept animals the domovoi liked, as he would torment the ones he did not. Salted bread wrapped in a white cloth would appease this spirit, and putting clean white linen in his room was an invitation to eat a meal with the family. Hanging old boots in the yard was another way to cheer him.

The domovoi was also an oracle, as his behavior could foretell or forewarn about the future. He would pull hair to warn a woman of danger from an abusive man. He would moan and howl to warn of coming trouble. If he showed himself, it forewarned of death, and if he was weeping it was said to be a death in the family. If he was laughing, good times could be expected, and if he strummed a comb there would be a wedding in the future.

The domovoi does have a more malicious side. Although one's own domovoi could be considered an ally, the domovoi from a neighboring household brought no happiness. Russian folklore says that a domovoi could harass horses in the stable overnight, as well as steal the grain of a neighbour to feed his own horses. Still, domovye could befriend one another and were said to gather together for loud winter parties.

If a domovoi becomes unhappy, it plays nasty tricks on the members of the household. Those include moving and rattling small objects, breaking dishes, leaving muddy little footprints, causing the walls of a house to creak, banging on pots and moaning. If the family can determine the cause of their domovoi's discontent, they can rectify the situation and return things to normal. If not, the spirit's tricks may escalate in intensity, coming to more closely resemble those of a poltergeist (cf. tomte), or he may threaten to stifle people in their beds (this myth is likely to be based on sleep paralysis). More often than not, however, families live in harmony with the spirits, and no problems arise.

Domovye are said to dislike mirrors and goats.

A kikimora is a domovoi's wife.


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Saturday, May 12, 2007

Greeks and Buddhists in Afghanistan



Once again let me urge you to visit the show of classic sculpture from India now at the De Young Museum. This is an experience not likely to be repeated in your lifetime. My colleagues in reviewing the show have mentioned the Greek, or at least Hellenistic, influence which is apparent in several of the pieces. It is not generally known that after Alexander had conquered the Persian Empire to its eastern limits at the Indus River he established a number of Greek, or Greek garrisoned, cities in what is now Pakistan and Afghanistan. Cut off from the rest of the Greek world, Greeks ruled here until the beginning of the Christian Era.
This was the Bactrian Kingdom which at one time included most of Afghanistan (Bactria is the Afghan city of Balkh), Turkestan, Pakistan, and even, for a while, a large section of India south of the Indus.
We know little of the rulers, but they left behind their faces on the coins, the finest examples of portrait coinage ever done. Their subtle, arrogant faces look much like the British gentleman adventurers of the East India Company who were to come after them in 2000 years. Eucratides even wears something remarkably like a pith helmet.
Here Mahayana Buddhism grew up, flourished, and spread across Asia to Japan. With it went artists and decorators who filled the temples and monastic caves of Further Asia with paintings and sculpture that derive their plastic inspiration from the far away Greek Mediterranean. Their artistic output was incredible: its limitless bulk staggers the imagination. Although I suppose it was what we would call today a kind of commercial art, the product of studios organized on a modern production basis, it is nevertheless unquestionably the finest expression of the Greek genius after the days of Alexander, except possibly for some work done for the Romans during the reign of Augustus.
This is one of the most fascinating episodes of history, and it is tantalizing because we know so little about it and what we do know is so extraordinary.
We know that the plays of Euripides were performed in courts that looked out from the Hindu Kush over the deserts of Central Asia. We know that Hercules and Vishnu, Bacchus and Shiva were confused on their coinage. We know that Buddhism, originally a kind of atheistic religious empiricism, was turned into a Mystery Religion of the Mediterranean type.
A Mahayana Sutra, The Questions of Milinda, has as interlocutor the adventurer Menander who, driven out of Bactria by invading barbarians, conquered a sizable piece of western India. Here and there along the coasts as far south as Bombay are gravestones with Greek names. Some dedicate the dead man’s soul to Buddha and his Bodhisattvas, some to the Hindu gods, some to the deities of the homeland, half a world away.
All this has little enough to do with the main body of Indian art. Modern Indian critics and historians, intensely chauvinistic, resent any implication that they owe anything whatever to the West, at any time, ever. It is true that the main India tradition in sculpture had its origins northeast of the Ganges and in the non-Aryan south, and in the course of time came to push aside all Hellenistic influence from the northwest.
Had this been a show of the art of Pakistan, the story would have been different. It is there that most of this Greek-inspired sculpture — called, by the way, Gandharan art, after a place in Pakistan — is to be found.
A last detail — for a long time philologists were puzzled by an Aryan language spoken by a few savage, murderous, filthy robber bands in the mountains and valleys of the Northwest Border. They were certainly the most debased and intractable of all the inhabitants of an intractable region. Then somebody pointed out that the language was simply a degenerate form of the language of Plato.
A friend just asked me, “Is this sort of thing good newspaper copy?” Why not? I can’t be controversial three weeks running. I get elastic fatigues, like a tired bridge. It is unusual and fascinating information. And it is relevant and bears pondering. Amongst what sort of savages in what lonely mountains do you suppose English will survive two thousand years hence?




by KENNETH REXROTH, appeared as one of Rexroth’s semiweekly columns in the San Francisco Examiner (21 June 1964).

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