The Religion Of Mazdak

.

Just as Mani's eclectic Faith was a pointer at the germs of decay in the Sasanian body-politic, so also Mazdak's teaching was a pointer at the inevitable downfall towards which the Sasanian Empire was heading. Mani came within one generation of the establishment of Sasanian rule in Iran; Mazdak came towards the end of that rule, about a century before the Empire was overthrown by the Arabs. Both these movements were fiercely and ruthlessly uprooted in the land of their origin, and to all outward appearance it seemed as if the authority of the theocratic state was amply vindicated. But the triumph over Mazdakism was short-lived. There is another similarity between these two movements: Zoroastrian, Christian and Islamic writers have poured unbounded vituperation against both. These unfriendly writings are our only sources of information regarding the teachings of Mazdak. As regards Mani a great deal of new and valuable information has come to light since the Turfan discoveries in 1902. These have shown Mani to have been a really great personage and the founder of a new Faith. But no such finds have yet been discovered to rehabilitate Mazdak.

Still Mazdakism may be viewed as a symptom which indicated a deep-seated cancer in the body-politic of Sasanian Iran. Therefore we should judge this movement after accepting the principle embodied in the saying, "By their fruits shall ye know them".

The founder of the Sasanian dynasty was one of the supermen of history. He was a born leader of men and he led his country and his people to a renovated existence. A man of great fixity of purpose, he carried out to the full the task he had set before himself, and he left to his son a newly established empire, a renowated religion and hundreds of well-trained and enthusiastic men and women ready to carry on the work to its fulfilment. Shapur I, the son of the founder, Ardashir I, was worthy of his father, for he also was a great leader, far above the average. He established the new empire and completed the task of the revival of Zoroastrianism to the satisfaction of all concerned. He loyally carried out his father's admonition, regarding Faith and Royalty as brothers. He fixed firmly and finally the theocratic constitution of the newly established Sasanian empire. By this Zoroastrian clergy acquired powers second only to those possessed by the king himself. And naturally also the landed aristocracy of Iran came in for a good share of political power and emoluments.

Of course, it was never the intention of either Ardashir I or of Shapur I that these two great sections of Iranian society the Zoroastrian clergy and the landowners - should become the oppressors of the masses. As long as the king at the top was a strong man he could hold both these sections in check and could stand between them and the masses. Both Ardashir I and Shapur I understood that the masses would give full support and would be loyal to the state provided they got justice from their king, and so both these rulers were eager to see that justice was done to the meanest of their subjects.

But once the strong hand of the king at the top was removed the two powerful sections would naturally try to consolidate their own power over the masses and to gain new privileges. In justice, however, to the Zoroastrian clergy it must be mentioned that the spread of Christianity throughout Iran was a constant and growing menace to the newly-revived Zoroastrian religion. To add to these difficulties the Christian Roman empire was steadily growing more and more menacing and triculent. Rome was always trying to find some pretext to make war on Iran, nor was Iran at all behind to find excuses for a fight. Armenia, which held a strategic position between the two empires, was itself torn by the religious strife of the Armenian Zoroastrians and Christians; and Rome and Iran being both theocratic, the affairs in Armenia almost always kindled the flames of war. And in these wars the landholders were ever an important factor for they ensured the victories of Iran. And so we find the power of both the Zoroastrian clergy and of the Iranian landholding aristocracy daily growing stronger and more firmly established. When the king was a man of easy-going and pliable temperament both these sections consolidated their gains and tried to acquire yet more. And all this was at the expense of the masses.

Ardashir I and Shapur I did all they could to ensure that the masses got a fair deal. But when they were gone a succession of weaker men ruled the empire from 272 to 309 A.D., which gave time enough to the vasted interests to work their will in the state.

Then came Shapur II (the Great), a unique figure in history. He was a posthumous son, and the succeeded to the empire before he was born. The vested interests naturally looked forward to a fairly long period of minority (at least fifteen years) and they had hopes of moulding the baby king's character to suit their own purposes. But Shapur was a superman, even greater than the first two rulers of his line and at a very early age he gave clear indications that he had a mind of his own and a will also to get whatever he wanted, and that he was a true-born ruler of men. Shapur II wished to curb the powers of the Zoroastrian clergy and of his landholders, for he was wise enough to appreciate the dangers if these were left unchecked. But other events outside Iran forced him to side with his clergy and his aristocracy. Constantine, the Roman Emperor, carried away by his zeal for Christianity, proclaimed himself to be the spiritual head of all the Christian in the world (including, of course, the Christians of Iran). This was more than Shapur II, the proudest of the Sasanians, could tolerate. The poor Christians of Iran found themselves placed in a very false position, torn between two loyalties, to the king of their own country and to the head of their faith, the Roman emperor. Whenever there was war between Iran an Rome (which was practically always0 the Christian of Iran looked upon as foes and "fifth columnists" and had to pay the penalty. This gave the vested interests of good opportunities to launch fierce persecutions agaist the Christians, to which Shapur II, with his offended pride, was not unwilling to lend his support. So on the whole during the long reign of Shapur II (lasting for seventy years) the vested interests had their own way more or less in spite of the strong king.

After Shapur II came a long succession of very ordinary kings and during over one hundred years (379-487 A.D.) there was only one king who was really well above the average. That was Bahram V (Bahramgore, the Hunter of the Wild Ass), but he was busy most of the time with wars with the Huns. One important event happened in the days of Bahram V and that was the final separation of the Iranian Christian Church from the Orthodox Church of Byzantium. The fratricidal strife between the Christians and the Zoroastrians had been going on with ever-increasing ferocity and bitterness ever since the days of Shapur II. Thousands had lost their lives; the manhood of Iran was slowly but surely being bled to death. But after the separation of the Iranian Christian Church from Byzantium the Christians found comparative peace. Still the religious hatred and fanaticism on both sides were of too long a growth to die out completely. Violent polemical writings continued on both sides.

Meanwhile the masses were being ground down relentlessly by the vested interests and seem to have sunk to the deepest depths of poverty and misery. The unsuccessful wars of Firuz I (459-483) against the Huns added to the prevailing discontent. The conditions in Iran soon after the death of Firuz I were almost exactly the same as those prevailing in France on the eve of the French Revolution or in Russia at the end of the First World War. The fruits of these centuries of oppression were soon to be visible in the revolutionary and communicate preaching of Mazdak, who began his work about 488 A.D.

We can but make a guess at the social conditions of Iranian masses by observing the extra violent language in the preaching of Mazdak and in the extremes to which his doctrines went. Even more significant was the extreme rapidity with which Mazdak's teaching was accepted by the masses. Within the course of a few months his followers could be counted by the hundred thousand: and in every part of the vast empire they were drawn from every stratum of society from the king downwards. The king at that time was Kawadh (488-531 A.D.) and in the beginning he openly declared his sympathies with the new preaching. But the vested interests were seriously perturbed and so strongly were they entrenched that the king was forced to leave his throne for a few years (499-501).

Charles Dickens has given a wonderful passage in the last chapter of his A Tale of Two Cities, in which he indicates the connection between revolutions and their causes. Describing the rolling of six tumbrils through the streets of Paris bearing unhappy victims of the guillotine he says:
"Six tumbrils roll along the streets. Change these back to what they were thou powerful enchanter, Time, and they shall be seen to be the carriages of absolute monarchs, the equipages of feudal nobles, the toilettes of flaring Jezebels, the churches that are not my Father's house, but dens of thieves, the huts of millions of starving peasants. No; the great magician who works out the appointed order of the Creator, never reverses his transformation". Further on he adds:
"Crush humanity out of shape under similar hammers, and it will twist itself into the same tortured forms. Sow the seed of rapacious license and oppression over gain and it will yield the same fruit according to its kind". By their fruits, indeed shall ye know them. We do not have any historical records of the seeds sown in Iran, but we possess ample evidence of the hideous fruit, from which we may infer the nature of the seed if the Laws of God have any meaning.

Mazdak might well be termed the first Bolshevik in history. Indeed, in some respects Bolsheviks might be regarded as lukewarm compared to Mazdak; he not only preached communism in worldly possessions but he also advocated an equal division of women among men.

When Kawadh was restored to the throne in 501 A.D. he was made wiser by experience and he withdrew his open support of the Mazdakites. He clearly recognized the seed from which this terrible tree of Mazdakism had grown, and he tried his best during the remaining thirty years of his reign to see that the conditions of the masses were made more tolerable. But he was not strong enough to remove the root causes of Mazdakism. That was reserved for a far greater man than Kawadh. It was his son Khusrav I, known to all Orient by his title Noshiravan, who freed Iran from the Mazdak frenzy.

Khusrav was the favourite son of Kawadh and had been his father's closest friend and consellor during the closing years of Kawadh's reign. Khusrav was easily the greatest ruler Iran ever had. Indeed, he may rank among the six greatest kings in the history of the world. He clearly saw the imminent danger to both the state and the religion from Mazdak's teaching and the first thing he did was to suppress the movement with an iron hand. But at the same time he saw justice done to the masses. Like a good physician he removed not merely the symptoms of the disease but he removed the disease itself. With equal firmness he brought under control the oppressors of the masses. Quite early he won the title of 'Adl' (the Just), for Justice was his watchword. Under his strong and just rule peace and prosperity returned to Iran, and the masses were satisfied. For this achievement his grateful subjects with one voice called him Anushak-Ruban or Noshirwan (he of the immortal soul). To posterity he is known as Noshirwan alone, the most glorious name ever bestowed upon an earthly ruler.

Mazdak was certainly a successor of Mani, because his movement was not merely social but was essentially religious. His extreme ideas were certainly a menace both to society and to religion. They certainly threatened the very existence of Zoroastrian priesthood, and so very naturally he was violently abused by Zoroastrian writers. He has been called Ashemaogha (a disorter of truth) and one commentator on a religious text explains this epithet by adding, "like Mazdak, the Son of Bamdad". The mildest epithet used for him by Zoroastrians is "accursed".

Mazdak's ideas are a natural corollary to the state of Iran in his days, and to the condition of the masses that he had seen with his own eyes. He felt himself obliged to preach extreme communism and an absolute community of possessions, including women. Very likely he was moved by the idea that desperate diseases need desperate remedies. At the same time he also preached a higher ideal of life. He pointed out the value of self-restraint and renunciation of all sense-pleasures including animal food. For this last teaching he has been called "the devil who would not eat". He asserted that the desire for pleasure and possessions constituted the universal cause of all hatred and strife. He also like Mani laid stress on Zoroaster's teaching of the two essential principles of Good and evil which pervade our life on earth. He also enjoined the strict purity of God's "elements", fire, water and earth. But we have very scanty positive knowledge of what he actually taught.

Mazdak was treacherously murdered and many of his closest adherents lost their lives at the same time. Then followed a systematic suppression of all Mazdakites, often with much bloodshed. But though outwardly uprooted and completely destroyed the teachings of Mazdak continued to flourish for several centuries after his murder. Under the rule of the Islamic caliphs of Baghdad several "heretical sects" have been noted by historians. They all seemed to get their inspiration from the teachings of Mazdak, for they cite him as their authority. But what is more surprising and very significant is that many of these "heretical sects" have coupled the name of Mazdak with that of Zoroaster, the Prophet of ancient Iran.


By I. J. S. Taraporewala

.

Yezidism: Historical Roots

.

Kurdistan, the cradle of ancient civilizations, has seen many races, people, religions and cultures during the past few thousand years. From the beginning of classical history two old-world civilizations, Aryan and Semitic, met, formed bonds, and were mutually influenced on the soil of Kurdistan. To a lesser or greater extent, they left their marks on this soil, particularly in the religious beliefs of the people of Kurdistan.

Along with the religions that came from outside, notably Christianity, Islam and Judaism, those native to Kurdistan continue to exist on Kurdish soil. Yezidism, Yarsanism and Alewism still have large numbers of adherents and defenders. To better understand the history and culture of the people of Kurdistan, it is imperative to conduct research into these religions. Unfortunately, to date, such research is all too rare.

Scholarly study of the Yezidis began in 1850 when German Scholar Dr. August Neander read a paper on Yezidi religion at the Prussian Academy of Science. (1) Thereafter, many books and commentaries on the topic were published; but to this day it is not clear when and on what foundations Yezidism came into existence.

Yezidis believe their religion to be ancient and to predate Islam by at least a thousand years. Although some foreign scholars maintain that Yezidism began with Sheikh Adi and view him as its founder, no Yezidi accepts this claim. In fact, Yezidis believe that prior to accepting Islam, all Kurds belonged to Yezidism. Here I examine the basis of this conviction.

Today most Kurds believe that before accepting Islam, Kurds were Zoroastrians. Spread by Kurdish intellectuals and continuing to gain credence, the belief is predicated on the following: Zoroastrianism is an Iranian religion; the Kurds are also Iranian. Therefore their pre-Islamic religion must be Zoroastrianism. In addition, it is easier for Kurds, the majority of whom are Muslim, to accept the belief that their pre-Islamic religion was Zoroastrianism rather than Yezidism.

In line with its belief in people of the Book, Islam does not recognize Yezidism as a religion. Moreover, the negative view of Muslims with regard to the Angel Peacock--who in the religion of the Yezidis is second only to God--has been the cause of conflict between Muslims and Yezidis for a thousand years or more. Consequently, the belief that Kurds were Yezidis prior to the advent of Islam has not been accepted by most Muslims. Undoubtedly, a significant reason for the refusal to recognize Yezidism as the ancient religion of the Kurds is that there are no significant studies on Yezidism. Along with foreigners, most Kurds know virtually nothing of its foundations, nor do they know what Yezidis hold sacred. The study of Yezidi history and religion and the clarification and dissemination of its belief system would serve to facilitate understanding, thereby rectifying the causes of hundreds of massacres and deportations.

Between the 8th and 9th centuries BC, Iranian tribes settled in today's Kurdistan. They were followers of Aryan and Indian religious beliefs. According to Kurdish scholar Taufiq Wahbi, their main deity, which symbolized the good and the wholesome, was Baba Asman. He was the counterpart of the Indian god, Diyaus Pitar. (2) Secondary gods (sun, moon, stars) were called "Diva" or "Divas," i.e., those that give light.

Zoroastrianism was for hundreds of years the reigning religion and exerted considerable influence on the Kurds and their beliefs. But I believe that while some Kurds in the east accepted Zoroastrianism, the majority did not. They remained faithful to their own ancient religion.

R. Reshid writes that during the 6th century BC, Zoroastrianism spread to the land of the Medes, but did not become dominant because already in place was an indigenous and powerful religion preceding Zoroastrianism. (3) Later, when Zoroastrianism gained strength, those who remained faithful to the old religion were called "Deva Yasna," meaning the "Slaves of Dew." According to a number of Kurdish researchers, with some variations "Deva Yasna" has survived among the Kurds. The word "dasni," which is the name of a tribe of Yezidi Kurds and was the name of a Yezidi principality, is a variation of "Deva Yasna." (4) Throughout history all Yezidis have been called "dasini." It is evident that the dasinis were at some stage dispersed throughout a large area. A.H. Layard writes that there is a tribe called dasini in the mountains near Silemani [Sulaimania in south/Iraqi Kurdistan]. (5) It is likely that the name "dewperest" [dew-worshippers; many regard "dews" a degree below angels], which is used to refer to some Yezidis, comes from that era.

In the "Zend Avesta," dews are called "diva" in Pehlevi [or Pahlavi, people from which the fallen Shah of Iran claimed lineage] language. In Semitic languages the word "Seyd" like the word "diva" becomes "seydan" among many people. (6) It is evident that when Zoroastrianism was spreading, the people of the Median Empire, who were called "dewperest," were able to defend their religion and did not accept Zoroastrianism. Later the name "dewperest" among the Semitic peoples and the leaders of religions that accepted the principles espoused by the Semites became "seytanperest" [Satan-worshippers]. It became convenient for the Zoroastrians to equate the name of Risti Vega-Azhi-Dahak, the emperor of the Medes, with evil. Wahbi is of this belief. The evil king "Zohak" in [Persian poet] Firdousi's epoch story "Shahname" is Azhi Dahak. (7)

According to Zoroastrian legend, god would stop the flow of water through cities, leaving residents with no alternative but to sacrifice selected maidens. Then god would restore the water flow. (8) Later, they depicted god as a serpent. This is the source of the Yezidi practice of swearing by the yellow serpent. To the Yezidis, Azhi Dahak does not represent evil. They have not accepted Zoroastrian religious beliefs.

Nikolay Marr, an expert on the east and the Kurds, maintains that Yezidism is a distinct religion. "Here we see the remnants of an ancient religion, an original one," he writes. (9) Although some researchers, Qanate Kurdo, for example, (10) note that fire and hearth are sacred to the Kurds, some scholars view this sanctity as a remnant of Zoroastrianism (11). However they forget that in the religion of the Yezidis, fire and hearth are sacred as well.

According to Wahbi, during the 4th and 5th centuries AD the majority of Kurds east of the Zagros, Cizir, Botan, Kirkuk, and those in the mountains of southeast Kurdistan were not Zoroastrians. (12) We see that the people of the Medes' Empire, whom we regard as the ancestors of the Kurds, were not Zoroastrians. Moreover, the last emperor of the Medes, Rishti Vega-Azhi Dahak, killed Zoroaster, ruled his followers and overthrew Vishtaspa. His army reached the southwest of Afghanistan. During that attack, the army of the Medes inflicted cruelties on Zoroastrians. No doubt this explains in large measure why the Zoroastrians equated the name Azhi Dahak with oppression and cruelty.

In the Persian language large serpents are called dragons. Dragon is the name given to the emperor, Azhi Dahak. It is linked to Newroz as well, for the name of the cruel ruler is Dahak. Three years later, in 549 BC, the founder of the Akkadian Empire, Cyrus the Great, grandson of Rishti Vega-Azhi Dahak, conquered the capital city Ekbatana and put an end to the Median Empire. Because it was three years or so after the attack by Azhi Dahak, it is not far fetched to assume that on this occasion the Zoroastrians took revenge on the locals and forced the angel-worshippers to pack up and leave.

The name of the Median Empire has not remained in history. Moreover, it has been forgotten by its own people. The religion of the Medes was supplanted by three religions emanating from it, which remain to this day: Yezidism, Yarsanism and Alewism.

M. R. Izady surmises that the name of that religion was Yazdani, but he is not 100% convinced. (13) Nevertheless, in his research to differentiate it from Yezidism, he uses the name. Both names refer to angels. The name might have been Yazdani, but it could also have been Yezidi. To differentiate between the two, I will call the religion of the Median Empire Yazdani.

Undoubtedly, over the past thousands of years and owing to significant changes introduced by Sheikh Adi, neither religion could have remained intact and unchanged. Nevertheless, they have much in common. The foundation of Yezidism is that there is but one God, with neither partner nor equal, and seven angels headed by Angel Peacock. Among the Yazdani sects of our day, Alewis and Yarsanis, beliefs are founded on the worship of seven angels.

Yezidis believe in the shedding of one's skin, that purity comes from pure skin. This belief also existed in the Yazdani religion, wherein those who come out of pure skins are called "Bab" or "Baba." (Baba is an Aramaic word, meaning gate. Baba is the gate where 'truth' manifests itself.) This name has survived to our day among the Yezidis; for example, Baba Sheikh, Baba Qewal, and Baba Chawish. Those unfamiliar with the meaning and origin of the word "Baba" confuse it with the word "Bav," which means father. They say Bave Sheikh, Bave Qewal, Bave Chawish. But this is incorrect. As mentioned above, when the Iranian tribes arrived in today's Kurdistan during the 7th to 9th centuries BC, their supreme deity was called Baba Esman.

Like the Yezidis, Yazdanis hid their religious beliefs from foreigners. But neither has ever harbored animosity toward other religions. They believe that God sends a new prophet for each era to teach humans the correct path, to protect themselves from evil. Therefore, the appearance of new religions has an auspicious purpose: keeping them from that which is false and that which is evil. Though the Yezidis and Yazdanis share the belief that from time to time a new prophet emerges to protect humanity, the religions are not always known by the name of the prophet. The Yazdani religion has absorbed beliefs from other religions, new denominations have emerged from within it, and over a thousand years it has undergone major changes. Yezidis easily adopted the beliefs and interpretations of Sheikh Adi and his disciples. However, it becomes apparent that having done so, the religion did not remain the same. Nevertheless, Yezidi religion harbors no animosity toward new religions.

Throughout history the color red has been a symbol for Yazdanis and their denominations. In Yezidi religion, it is said, "Religion is the religion of the red Yezidi". When a Yezidi boy is circumcised, he is required to say, "I am a lamb of the red Yezidi". The Yezidi New Year is celebrated on "Red Wednesday." Among the Yazdanis there was a weekly celebration of "Cam" followed by the major annual celebration of "Cam." According to Pir Xidir e Sileman, before the attack of the Prince of Rewanduz in 1832, Yezidis held a weekly "Cam." Sheikh Rostem says that Friday is the get-together day for men. (1414) The name of this annual Yezidi celebration appears in two forms: Cam and Cum.

He too believes that "Cam" was a weekly event. But in recent years only the large annual celebration is held during the time of the Yezidi pilgrimage. Both Yezidis and Yazdanis fast for three days, as do Yarsanis and Alewis. Like the Yezidis, Yazdanis have no holy book.

Among Yazdanis, the dog symbolized the good, and the serpent symbolized the bad. The serpent with the head of a dog symbolized progress. Depictions of dogs and serpents appear on the walls of Holy Lalish [the Yezidi Holy Temple in south/Iraqi Kurdistan]. On the other hand, Yezidis do not view the serpent as a symbol of the bad. Quite the contrary; the serpent commands respect because a serpent saved the boat of Nu Nebi from sinking. In fact, Yezidis believe that killing a serpent is sinful.

According to Yazdani belief, the good and the bad are of equal importance in the material world and are fundamental to its existence. Yazdanis believe that one is not possible without the other. If there is no cold then there can be no warm; if there is no low then there can be no high; if there is no darkness there can be no light. In this belief we find the seeds of Hegel's dialectics.

There was no hell and no heaven in physical form among the Yazdanis. Today, the belief in heaven and hell exists among the Yezidis, but it is not fundamental to their religion. The Yezidi believes that the souls of good men go first to heaven and then return in other good men. After complete purification, the soul joins God, but does not go to heaven. Apparently this belief in heaven and hell became a part of the Yezidi belief system following changes introduced by Sheikh Adi. But they are not essential. Like the Yazdanis, Yezidis hold sacred the numbers 7 and 3. In both religions, drinking alcohol is permissible.

I believe that these examples from the religions of the Yazdanis and the Yezidis, which are essential beliefs, provide evidence that both religions have the same origin. Even if the Medes were not Yezidis, the Yezidi religion originated in their empire and therefore represents a branch of the empire's religion.

There is an interesting belief about Prophet Zoroaster. Sheikh Dewresh Kelesh would say that Zoroaster was a Yezidi who left us. When he returned we did not accept his religion. It is evident from Iranian history that Zoroaster came from the people who lived around Lake Ourmiya. He remained on Mt. Ararat for two years and then returned to his people as a prophet preaching a new religion. He spent ten years recruiting converts among the people around Ourmiya, but his efforts drew only one person to his beliefs. Finally, he went to the Persians, among whom he found fertile ground for his teachings. This lends credibility to the claim that the sayings of Sheikh Dewresh are not baseless.

The similarities between Yezidism and Zoroastrianism are numerous. Moreover, contrary to the writings of some scholars, Yezidism did not emanate from Zoroastrianism. Zoroastrianism originated from Yezidism. Before Zoroaster became the prophet of a new religion, he was either a Yezidi or belonged to Yezidism.

ENDNOTES:

(1) Neader, A., Uber die Elemente, aus denen die Lehran der Yezidies harrorgegagen zu Sein scheinen. Berlin: Wissenschaftliche Abhandlugen, Berlin, 1851, pp. 112-39.

(2) Wahbi, Taufiq, Dini caranay kurd. Baghdad: Kov. Gelawej, N 11-12, 1940, pp. 51-52.

(3) Reshad Sebri Reshid (Reshad Miran) Etnokonfessionalnaya situasiya v sovremennom Kurdistane. Moskva-Sankt-Peterburg: Nauka, 2004, p. 16.

(4) Mehmed Mesud, Risalek li risali zimanekeman. Baghdad: Kovari Nusari Kurd, No. 6, 1986.

(5) Layard, A.H., A Popular Account of Discoveries at Nineveh. New York: J.C. Derby, 1854, p. 206

(6) Nebez, Cemal, Saricdanek li mitolociyeyi kurd. Stockholm: 1986, p 53.

(7) Wahbi, Taufiq, Li nawcuni madakan kirdareki din bu, kov. Gelawej, 1940, N 8 Bexda, p. 35.

(8) Yahiya 'Ebdulxani' Eli, al-Imlak zu al-ruus al-sab'a, (dewe hevt seri), kov. Karwan, 1983, N13, Hewler, 121-130. (Me ev jederk ji pirtuka R.S. Re Oid, Etnokonfessionalnaya situasiya v sovremennom Kurdistane, 'Nauka' Moskva-Sankt-Peterburg, 2004, p. 66, hildaye

(9) N. Marr, YeOco o slove celebi., ZBOPAO, XX, Sankt-Peterburg, 1912, p. 189.

(10) K.K. Kurdoyev (Qanate Kurdo), Kurdi. Moskva: Narodi predney Azii. 1957, p. 252. (In Russian)

(11) Reshad Sebri Reshid, p. 18.

(12) Wahbi, Tawfiq, Dini carani kurd, Kovara Gelawej, 1941, jim. 11-12, p. 67

(13) Mehrdad R. Izady, The Kurds; A concise Handbook. Washington: Taylor & Francis, 1992.

(14) The name of this annual Yezidi celebration appears in two forms: Cam and Cum.

By Tosine Reshid

.

Yezidi: The "Devil" Worshippers of Iraq

.

I'm in a community hall, on the outskirts of Celle, a north German town. On the walls are pictures of dark blue peacocks. Sitting at various tables around the room are dozens of Devil worshippers. At least, that's what some people call them.

Though we don't know it yet, right now several suicide bombs are going off near Mosul in Iraq, killing maybe 400. The victims belong to the same faith as those gathered here today.

They are Yezidi. And I'm here to unearth the reality of their fascinating religion. Why do they have such troubled relations with outsiders? Do they really worship the Devil?

The Yezidi of Celle are one of the largest groups of their sect outside the homeland of Kurdish Iraq. There may be 7,000 in this small town. Yezidi across the world number between 400,000 and 800,000.

Today the Yezidi in Celle don't seem keen to talk. I'm not surprised: I have been warned about their wariness of strangers, born of centuries of appalling persecution.

Eventually a dark, thickset man turns to me. He points to one of the peacocks on the wall: "That is Melek Taus, the peacock angel. We worship him." He sips his tea, and adds: "Ours is the oldest religion in the world. Older than Islam; older than Christianity." After this cryptic statement he returns to his friends.

Luckily there is another Yezidi organisation in Celle that is said to be more forthcoming. On the way to meet its spokesman, I go through the bizarre beliefs of the Yezidi.

It's an impressive list. The Yezidi honour sacred trees. Women must not cut their hair. Marriage is forbidden in April. They refuse to eat lettuce, pumpkins, and gazelles. They avoid wearing dark blue because it is "too holy".

They are divided strictly into castes, who cannot marry each other. The upper castes are polygamous. Anyone of the faith who marries a non-Yezidi risks ostracism, or worse. Some weeks ago a young girl was stoned to death by her Yezidi menfolk in Iraq; she had fallen in love with a Muslim and was trying to convert. The sickening murder was filmed, and posted on the internet, adding to the Yezidis' unhappy reputation.

Yezidism is syncretistic: it combines elements of many faiths. Like Hindus, they believe in reincarnation. Like ancient Mithraists, they sacrifice bulls. They practise baptism, like Christians. When they pray they face the sun, like Zoroastrians. They profess to revile Islam, but there are strong links with Sufism, the mystical branch of Islam.

It's a remarkably confusing picture. And I still haven't got an answer to the main question: do they worship "Satan"?

In the centre of town I am greeted by Halil Savucu, a westernised spokesman for the Yezidi. Also with us is Uta Tolle, a German scholar of Yezidism.

In Halil's Mercedes we drive into the suburbs. On the way, the two of them give me their view of the faith. "Yezidi is oral, not literary," says Uta. "This is why it is sometimes hard to pin down precise beliefs. There are religious texts, like the Black Book, but they are not crucial. The faith is really handed down by kawwas, sort of musical preachers."

And who is Melek Taus? Halil looks slightly uncomfortable: "We believe he is a proud angel, who rebelled and was thrown into Hell by God. He stayed there 40,000 years, until his tears quenched the fires of the underworld. Now he is reconciled to God."

But is he good or evil? "He is both. Like fire. Flames can cook but they can also burn. The world is good and bad."

For a Yezidi to say they worship the Devil is understandably difficult. It is their reputation as infidels - as genuine "devil worshippers" - that has led to their fierce persecution over time, especially by Muslims. Saddam Hussein intensified this suppression.

But some Yezidi do claim that Melek Taus is "the Devil". One hereditary leader of the Yezidi, Mir Hazem, said in 2005: "I cannot say this word [Devil] out loud because it is sacred. It's the chief of angels. We believe in the chief of angels."

There are further indications that Melek Taus is "the Devil". The parallels between the story of the peacock angel's rebellion, and the story of Lucifer, cast into Hell by the Christian God, are surely too close to be coincidence. The very word "Melek" is cognate with "Moloch", the name of a Biblical demon - who demanded human sacrifice.

The avian imagery of Melek Taus also indicates a demonic aspect. The Yezidi come from Kurdistan, the ancient lands of Sumeria and Assyria. Sumerian gods were often cruel, and equipped with beaks and wings. Birdlike. Three thousand years ago the Assyrians worshipped flying demons, spirits of the desert wind. One was the scaly-winged demon featured in The Exorcist: Pazuzu.

The Yezidi reverence for birds - and snakes - might also be extremely old. Excavations at ancient Catalhoyuk, in Turkey, show that the people there revered bird-gods as long ago as 7000BC. Even older is Gobekli Tepe, a megalithic site near Sanliurfa, in Kurdish Turkey (Sanliurfa was once a stronghold of Yezidism). The extraordinary temple of Gobekli boasts carvings of winged birdmen, and images of buzzards and serpents.

Taking all this evidence into account, a fair guess is that Yezidism is a form of bird-worship, that could date back 6,000 years or more. Over the centuries, new and powerful creeds, such as Islam and Christianity, have swept through Yezidi Kurdistan, threatening the older faith. But, like a species that survives by blending into the landscape, Yezidism has adapted by incorporating aspects of rival religions.

We've reached Halil's house. "Look at this," he says, showing me a picture of the peacock angel, and a copper sanjak - another representation of Melek Taus. When I have taken some photos, we all sit down to spaghetti bolognaise, with Halil's wife and their chatty kids. It suddenly seems a long way from the weirdness of Devil-worship, and the violence of the Middle East.

"We Yezidi are not saints," says Halil, "but we are a peaceful people. All we want is tolerance. We do not worship evil, we just see that the world contains good as well as bad. Darkness as well as light."

His words are timely. While we eat our pasta, the news comes through from Iraq of the bloody slaughter of Yezidi near Mosul. Halil is deeply distraught. "I feel absolute shock and horror, I feel sick to my stomach. All Yezidi are my family. But we are so alone in the world. We need friends. Many Yezidi would like to leave Iraq, but no one will give us visas."

He sighs, and adds: "The Yezidi have been persecuted for thousands of years, we are used to it. But we thought the new Iraq would protect minorities. We thought that things would get better when the Americans came…" And then he turns, and stares at the serene blue image, of the great peacock angel.

By Sean Thomas, Sunday Telegraph

.

More on Kallikantzaroi

.

Traditions about the Kallikantzaroi vary from region to region, but in general they are half-animal, half-human monsters, black, hairy, with huge heads, glaring red eyes, goats' or asses' ears, blood-red tongues hanging out, ferocious tusks, monkeys' arms, and long curved nails, and commonly they have the foot of some beast. "From dawn till sunset they hide themselves in dark and dank places .., but at night they issue forth and run wildly to and fro, rending and crushing those who cross their path. Destruction and waste, greed and lust mark their course." When a house is not prepared against their coming, "by chimney and door alike they swarm in, and make havoc of the home; in sheer wanton mischief they overturn and break all the furniture, devour the Christmas pork, befoul all the water and wine and food which remains, and leave the occupants half dead with fright or violence." Many like or far worse pranks do they play, until at the crowing of the third cock they get them away to their dens. The signal for their final departure does not come until the Epiphany, when the "Blessing of the Waters" takes place. Some of the hallowed water is put into vessels, and with these and with incense the priests sometimes make a round of the village, sprinkling the people and their houses.

Besides this ecclesiastical purification there are various Christian precautions against the Kallikantzaroi - e.g., to mark the house-door with a black cross on Christmas Eve, the burning of incense and the invocation of the Trinity - and a number of other means of aversion: the lighting of the Yule (= Christmas time) log, a large log of wood called a skakantzalos, the burning of something that smells strong (sometime the Greeks will also burn old shoes, the smell of which keeps the wicked elves away), and - perhaps as a peace-offering - the hanging of pork-bones, sweetmeats, or sausages in the chimney.

Just as men are sometimes believed to become vampires temporarily during their lifetime, so, according to one stream of tradition, do living men become Kallikantzaroi. In Greece children born at Christmas are thought likely to have this objectionable characteristic as a punishment for their mothers' sin in bearing them at a time sacred to the Mother of God. In Macedonia people who have a "light" guardian angel undergo the hideous transformation.

Many attempts have been made to account for the Kallikantzaroi. Perhaps the most plausible explanation of the outward form, at least, of the uncanny creatures, is the theory connecting them with the masquerades that formed part of the winter festival of Dionysus and are still to be found in Greece at Christmastide. The hideous bestial shapes, the noise and riot, may well have seemed demoniacal to simple people slightly "elevated," perhaps, by Christmas feasting, while the human nature of the maskers was not altogether forgotten. Another theory of an even more prosaic character has been propounded that the Kallikantzaroi are nothing more than established nightmares, limited like indigestion to the twelve days of feasting. This view is taken by Allatius, who says that a Kallikantzaros has all the characteristics of nightmare, rampaging abroad and jumping on men's shoulders, then leaving them half senseless on the ground."

Such theories are ingenious and suggestive, and may be true to a certain degree, but they hardly cover all the facts. It is possible that the Kallikantzaroi may have some connection with the departed; they certainly appear akin to the modern Greek and Slavonic vampire, "a corpse imbued with a kind of half-life," and with eyes gleaming like live coals. They are, however, even more closely related to the werewolf, a man who is supposed to change into a wolf and go about ravening. It is to be noted that "man-wolves" is the very name given to the Kallikantzaroi in southern Greece, and that the word Kallikantzaros itself has been conjecturally derived by Bernhard Schmidt from two Turkish words meaning "black" and "werewolf." The connection between Christmas and werewolves is not confined to Greece. According to a belief not yet extinct in the north and east of Germany, even where the real animals have long ago been extirpated, children born during the Twelve Nights become werewolves, while in Livonia and Poland that period is the special season for the werewolf's ravenings.

Those who wish to pursue further the study of the Kallikantzaroi should read the elaborate and fascinating, if not altogether convincing, theories of Mr. J. C. Lawson in his "Modern Greek Folklore and Ancient Greek Religion." He distinguishes two classes of Kallikantzaroi, one of which he identifies with ordinary werewolves, while the other is the type of hairy, clawed demons above described. He sets forth a most ingenious hypothesis connecting them with the Centaurs.

Excerpted from Christmas in Ritual and Tradition, Christian and Pagan, by Clement A. Miles, London: T. Fisher Unwin, 2nd Ed. 1913, pp. 229-247.

.

Kallikantzaros

.

A Kallikantzaros (Καλλικάντζαρος) pl. Kallikantzaroi is a malevolent goblin in Greek and Cypriot folk tradition. They dwell underground but come to the surface from 25 December to 6 January (from the winter solstice for a fortnight during which time the sun ceases its seasonal movement). Its name is possibly derived from "kalos-kentauros, or "beautiful centaur.".^[1]

It is believed that Kallikantzaroi stay underground sawing the World tree, so that it will collapse, along with Earth.^[1]However, when they are about to saw the final part, Christmas dawns and they are able to come to surface. They forget the Tree and come to bring trouble to mortals.

Finally, on the Epiphany (6 January), the sun starts moving again, and they must go underground again to continue their sawing. They see that during their absence the World tree has healed itself, so they must start working all over again. This happens every year.

There is no standard appearance of Kallikantzaroi, there are regional differences on their appearance. Some Greeks have imagined them with some animal parts, like hairy bodies, horse legs, or boar tusks, sometimes enormous, other times diminutive. Others see them as humans of small size smelling horribly. They are predominatly male, often with protruding sex characteristics.^[1]

The Kallikantzaroi are creatures of the night. There were ways people could protect themselves during the days when the Kallikantzaroi were loose. They could leave a colander on their doorstep: if a Kallikantzaros approached for his evildoings, he would instead decide to sit and count the holes until the sun rose and he was forced to hide. The Kallikantzaroi also could not count above 2, since 3 is a holy number, and by pronouncing it, they would kill themselves. Another method of protection is to leave the fire burning in the fireplace all night so that they cannot enter through there.

Legend has it that any child born during the twelve days of the Saturnalia (17th through 26 December) was in danger of transforming to a Kallikantzaros for each Christmas season, starting with adulthood. The antidote: Binding the baby in tresses of garlic or straw, or singeing the child's toenails.

In Greek Kallikantzaros is also used for every short, ugly and usually mischievous being. If not used for the abovementioned creatures, it seems to express the collective sense for the Irish word leprechaun and the English words gnome and goblin.

Reference: Ginzburg, Carlo (1991). Ecstasies: Deciphering the Witches Sabbath. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Pagan Survivals in Visigothic Spain

In the course of the chapters on Priscillianism and on the efforts of Martin of Braga to uproot pagan survivals in Galicia mention was made in passing of the Visigoths, who entered Spain in the early part of the fifth century. Eventually they became the masters of the Peninsula and remained in control until their kingdom was destroyed by the Arabs in 712. The attitude of the Goths towards the survivals of paganism in Spain changed considerably after their conversion to Catholicism in 589. Hence in the present chapter there will be two main divisions, the period from the Visigothic invasion of Spain up to the year 589, and the Catholic period up to the year 712.

The Visigoths, ⁽¹⁾ as was mentioned in the previous chapter, had inflicted a crushing defeat upon the Alans in 416. They might easily have conquered the entire Peninsula, if the emperor Honorius had not secured their withdrawal by giving them Aquitania Secunda. The Goths established their capital at Toulouse. In 454 at the request of the emperor Avitus, they again invaded Spain and inflicted a decisive defeat upon the Bagaudae and two years later (456) upon the Sueves near Astorga. Under Euric (466-483), the ablest of the Visigothic leaders in the fifth century, the whole of Spain, with the exception of Galicia, came under Gothic control. In 507 the Franks under Clovis defeated the Visigothic forces at the battle of Vouglé, and the youthful ruler, Alaric II, was slain on the field of battle. The Visigoths were thus driven into Spain and of their former possessions in France only Septimania remained.

THE STRUGGLE AGAINST PAGANISM IN THE FIFTH CENTURY

During the fifth century the Catholics of western and southern Spain lived under the rule of men, alien to them in race and religion. The history of this period, as told in the Chronicle of Idacius, which [109] ends in 468, is filled with the description of the raids made by the barbarian Vandals, Sueves and Visigoths. ⁽²⁾ Strongly fortified cities, such as Cartagena, Merida, Seville, Astorga and Palencia were attacked and pillaged by the Germanic invaders. The churches in these places were often destroyed, the people put to death, or reduced to slavery. With the Catholic Church in Spain struggling to maintain its very existence it was impossible for any serious efforts to be made against paganism by the ecclesiastical authorities. Nor did the Visigoths after their defeat of the Sueves in 456 and their gradual conquest of southern and eastern Spain take any active measures against paganism. Their attitude is not difficult to explain.

The Visigoths who entered Spain professed the Arian heresy. This had been spread among them through the noted Cappadocian Ulfilas (311-383) who had been ordained bishop by the Arian leaders at Constantinople about the year 341. But the Visigoths did not become definitely allied with Arianism until the year 376, when Frithigern and a large number of his followers entered the Roman empire and embraced the Arian form of Christianity, which the reigning emperor of the East, Valens, then professed. While Dahn, Uhlhorn and Böhmer ⁽³⁾ exaggerate the part played by political motives in the conversion of Frithigern to Arianism, it is doubtless true that the Goths were not much concerned with dogmatic beliefs ⁽⁴⁾ and probably the rank and file of the Goths remained largely pagans. They did not feel the same antagonism towards paganism that the Catholics did. Thus soon after their conversion to Arianism, the Visigoths did not object to the coming among them of Athanarich, a pagan leader who had persecuted the Arians in Cappadocia. During their raids in southeastern Europe and in Italy the Visigoths were [110] joined by groups of Huns and Alans, ⁽⁵⁾ some of whom were probably pagans. The destruction of churches in Spain during the fifth century ⁽⁶⁾ can only be accounted for by the fact that many in their ranks were actually pagans or had but a thin veneer of Christianity. It is not surprising then that the Arian Visigoths made no serious efforts during the fifth century to uproot paganism in Spain.

The attitude of the Arian rulers of Toulouse towards their Catholic subjects is little known. From the letters of Sidonius Apollinaris (431-489), ⁽⁷⁾ bishop of Clermont, and an eyewitness of what he records, it would seem that during the reigns of Theodoric I (420-451) and Theodoric II (453-467) the Catholics were not molested in the practice of their religious beliefs. ⁽⁸⁾ Sidonius was more offended at the lack of culture among the Goths than at their profession of Arianism. ⁽⁹⁾ But the toleration which the two Theodorics had shown towards Catholicism was not continued by Euric, who mounted the throne in 468. This ruler, according to a letter of Sidonius, written about 472, sent many of the Catholic bishops of his kingdom into exile so that in many places the churches were without the services of a priest and soon became dilapidated. In this same letter Sidonius thus refers to Euric: "I dread him less as the assailant of our walls than as the subverter of our Christian laws. They say that the mere mention of the name of Catholic so embitters his face and heart that one might take him for the chief priest of the Arian sect rather than as the monarch of his nation." ⁽¹⁰⁾ Alaric II, who became ruler in 484, reversed the harsh religious policy of his father and thereby won the loyalty of many of his Catholic subjects. ⁽¹¹⁾ He permitted the exiled [111] bishops to return to their sees and made no objections to the holding of an ecclesiastical council at Agde in the year 506. But the most signal proof of the young ruler's good will was the promulgation of a new code of laws for his "Roman" subjects. The principal purpose of this law code, known as the Lex Romana Visigothorum or the Breviarium Alarici, was to modernize the laws of the Theodosian Code and the Novellae, which were no longer applicable to conditions in the kingdom of Toulouse. ⁽¹²⁾ The new code placed the Catholic Church in a very favorable position and also contained a number of important laws in regard to paganism.

THE STRUGGLE AGAINST PAGANISM FROM 506 TO 589

The Visigothic ruler permitted the Catholic Church to retain many of the privileges it had obtained under the emperors. The ecclesiastical courts were not suppressed; ⁽¹³⁾ in all matters pertaining to religion the opinion of the bishops had first to be obtained; in the code there was embodied the law of Honorius and Arcadius, which declared that the Catholic religion was the "one and true faith." ⁽¹⁴⁾ While the laws against heretics, such as the Priscillianists, the Montanists, and especially the Manicheans, continued in force, ⁽¹⁵⁾ naturally those that had been issued by the Catholic emperors against the Arians were omitted.

In regard to paganism, the new law code eliminated the numerous enactments of the Christian emperors against pagan temples and sacrifices. Perez Pujol cites this omission as a proof that the Visigoths [112] were tolerant of paganism. ⁽¹⁶⁾ But the more probable reason is that these laws were no longer considered necessary. ⁽¹⁷⁾ The building and maintenance of temples and their elaborate sacrifices naturally ceased as soon as state support was withdrawn from paganism. Moreover the Lex Romana Visigothorum did prohibit paganism by incorporating a law of Theodosius II against "the abominable and deadly sacrifices and superstitious rites which were practiced in hidden solitudes." ⁽¹⁸⁾ Those people who were found guilty of offering sacrifices were threatened with the confiscation of their property and the loss of their lives.

While the public practice of paganism had disappeared by the year 506, magic and divination, which were part of the private religion, were still held tenaciously by the "Romans" as well as the Germanic invaders, and against these two types of paganism the code was very severe. In the Lex Romana Visigothorum there were not only the laws of Constantine and Constantius against magicians, but also the stern passages from Paulus, according to which magicians were to be cast to the beasts, crucified, or burnt alive. ⁽¹⁹⁾ The law forbade not only the use, but even the possession of magical books. Nobles in whose homes such books were found, were to be at once deported, while people of the lower classes were to be beheaded. These laws against magic and divination were territorial and had to be observed by the Arian Visigoths as well as by the Catholics. ⁽²⁰⁾

The council which with the permission of Alaric II was held at Agde in southeastern France in the year 506, proves that the practice of magic and divination was not confined to the laity, but had even penetrated to the ranks of the clergy. The bishops under the direction of St. Caesarius of Arles threatened clerics guilty of magic with immediate and perpetual expulsion from the Church, and ordered all books on magic to be at once burned. ⁽²¹⁾ They especially inveighed [113] against the use of the sortes sanctorum, which were so called because the books of Sacred Scripture were used as a means of divining the future. ⁽²²⁾ As far as can be ascertained, the practice consisted in taking a book of the Old or New Testament, opening it at a certain page, and drawing a good or evil omen from the opening words. ⁽²³⁾ The people who practiced this form of divination were known, according to Isidore, as the sortilegi. ⁽²⁴⁾ It is evident from these canons of Agde that the decrees of the Lex Romana Visigothorum on magic and divination were directed against abuses that actually existed. It is not at all improbable that the same superstitious practices were in vogue in various parts of Spain.

By the new code of Alaric II the practice of paganism became an offense punishable by law throughout the Visigothic kingdom of Spain. But, in order to act effectively against the people who practiced magic, divination, or other forms of paganism, there was need of an active and close co-operation between the civil and ecclesiastical authorities "that those who will not practice virtue by the admonition of the priest, may be kept from doing evil by the power of the king." ⁽²⁵⁾ Various factors, however, made such co-operation impossible during the period from 506 to 589.

There was, first of all, the political instability of the Visigothic monarchy during the sixth century. The Gothic nobles were constantly wrangling among themselves for the supreme power, and they did not scruple at the means used. Thus in 554 Athanagild summoned to his aid the Byzantine troops of the Emperor Justinian in his struggle against the reigning monarch of Spain, Agila. ⁽²⁶⁾ During this period so many of the rulers of the Peninsula were assassinated that Gregory of Tours remarked: "The Goths had adopted this hateful method of getting rid of the kings who displeased them." ⁽²⁷⁾

[114] Secondly, while there is no record of an actual persecution of the Spanish Catholics by the Arian rulers except for the brief period from 583 to 585 during the reign of Leovigild, there was constant friction between the Catholics and the Arians. Thus Amalaric (507-531) treated his queen, Clotilda, so cruelly because of her Catholic religion that he provoked a war with her brother, the Frankish ruler, Childibert I. Agila (549-5 54) antagonized his Catholic subjects by desecrating the tomb of St. Asisclus at Cordova. ⁽²⁸⁾ The Council of Lerida (524) refused to accept any offerings from a Catholic who allowed his children to be baptized by Arians. The same council forbade Catholics to dine with those people who had been rebaptized. ⁽²⁹⁾ These facts point to at least some proselytism by the Arian clergy. With such open hostility prevailing between the Arians and the Catholics of Spain it was impossible for them to unite in a struggle against the survivals of paganism.

Finally by the time of Leovigild (568-585) the Arian ardor of the Visigoths had declined so that they had become generally indifferent in regard to other religions. Their attitude at this date is well expressed in a discussion which Gregory of Tours had with Aiglan, a Visigothic legate to the Frankish court, on the subject of Catholicism and Arianism. In the course of the debate Gregory said that the disgraceful death of Arius proved the falsity of the religion named after him. To this objection Aiglan retorted: "Speak not evil of law which thou thyself observest not; as for us, though we believe not the things which ye believe, yet we do not speak evil of them, for the holding of this or that belief may not be imputed as a crime. And indeed we have a common saying that no harm is done when one passing between the altars of the Gentiles and the Church of God payeth respect to both." Gregory replied indignantly: "Thou art a defender of the Gentiles, and a champion of heretics, for thou dost defile the dogmas of the Church and dost proclaim the worship of pagan abominations." ⁽³⁰⁾ Animated by such principles the Arian [115] Visigoths in the sixth century could hardly be expected to take any active part in the uprooting of pagan survivals.

During this period (506-589) there was no noteworthy activity by the Spanish clergy against paganism, as far as the extant source-material permits us to judge. It is recorded of Masona, ⁽³¹⁾ who governed the diocese of Merida about the years 570 to 605, that he succeeded by means of his charitable deeds in converting many pagans to Catholicism. ⁽³²⁾ Another Spanish bishop, Montanus of Toledo, in a letter written probably in the year 530, praises a religious named Thuribius as the promoter of divine worship in his province because he had driven out the error of idolatry. ⁽³³⁾ These are the only two instances known to us of any success against paganism during the years 506 to 589. In fact this period seems to have witnessed a noticeable decline in the membership of the Catholic Church in Spain. Gregory of Tours, meeting two legates from Spain about the year 583, asked them about the condition of the "few" Catholics who remained there. ⁽³⁴⁾ Five provincial councils were held in some of the important cities of Tarraconensis, and further west at Toledo, during the years 517 to 546, but for more than forty years afterwards the presence of the heretics in Spain rendered [116] any meeting of the Catholic hierarchy impossible. At the third council of Toledo (589), held soon after the conversion of king Recared and a number of the Arian bishops and nobles, the Catholic bishops lamented the breakdown of ecclesiastical discipline. ⁽³⁵⁾ They attributed this laxity to the Arian heretics, who not only permitted the laws of the Church to be violated, but even protected the offenders. ⁽³⁶⁾ The bishops at this council also declared quite emphatically that "throughout almost the whole of Spain and Gaul the sacrilege of idolatry has become deeply rooted." ⁽³⁷⁾ But with the conversion of the Visigothic ruler and nobles to Catholicism in 587, the principal cause of friction between the Visigoths and the natives of Spain disappeared. A new era in the struggle against paganism now began.

THE STRUGGLE AGAINST PAGANISM FROM 589 UP TO THE YEAR 654

In the year 589 King Recared of Spain, a number of Visigothic bishops and nobles and about sixty Catholic bishops assembled at the Visigothic capital of Toledo. At this third council of Toledo the ruler and his followers abjured Arianism and proclaimed their allegiance to the Catholic religion. The council then proceeded to enact laws against the abuses which had crept into the liturgy of the Church during the period of the Arian domination in Spain. One of these abuses was the practice among the people of singing immodest songs, and of taking part in unbecoming dances on the occasion of church festivals. ⁽³⁸⁾ These abuses, especially that of dancing, were regarded as survivals of paganism. ⁽³⁹⁾ The council deputed the bishop [117] and the secular judge in the separate localities to remove this evil, but did not inflict any penalties upon the guilty parties.

A far more serious abuse in Spain at this time was the prevalence of idolatry. The council took stern measures to remedy the evil. In each locality the bishop and judge were authorized to destroy the places desecrated by pagan worship, and to punish those guilty of idolatry in whatever way they could, short of the death penalty. Bishops and judges who were found negligent in combating paganism, and masters who tolerated superstitious practices among the members of their household or on their estates were threatened with the penalty of excommunication. ⁽⁴⁰⁾

To merit conciliar action idolatry must have been rather widespread in Spain at this time. But the canon gives no indication of the superstitious practices that survived, nor of the class of people among whom this abuse was specially prevalent. The clause about slaves was doubtless added to prevent any loophole in the general provisions of the canon. It is to be noted that both civil as well as ecclesiastical penalties were inflicted upon those guilty of idolatrous worship, and that the bishop and the secular judge were to cooperate in combating this evil. Such close union between the Church and State was not unusual, and was, in fact, very similar to the harmony that existed between the civil and ecclesiastical authorities in the Roman empire during the fourth century. ⁽⁴¹⁾

A provincial council held at Narbonne in the year 590 gives us an insight into the types of paganism which were being practiced in Septimania, and probably also in parts of Spain. The bishops there censured the practice in vogue among some people of not working on [118] Thursday in honor of Jupiter. ⁽⁴²⁾ Henceforth the council ordered that those who refused to work on this day, except on the occasion of a church festival, were to be excommunicated and to do penance for one year. Slaves were to receive one hundred lashes and their masters were to see to it that they did not repeat this crime. The council recommended the practice, mentioned by Martin of Braga, of abstaining from all rural work on Sunday. It may be noted that the Council of Narbonne ordered a different penalty upon a free-born person and a slave for the same crime. This distinction between the two classes, characteristic of Roman Law, ⁽⁴³⁾ will also be seen in the penalties inflicted by later Spanish councils and by the Visigothic Code of civil law.

[119] The same council of Narbonne also took action against soothsayers and those who harbored them in their homes and consulted them. ⁽⁴⁴⁾ The soothsayers were to be publicly flogged, even though they were free-born, and afterwards sold into slavery, and the money distributed to the poor. Those who gave them shelter and consulted them whether "Goths, Romans, Syrians, Greeks or Jews" were not only to be excommunicated, but also to pay a fine of six ounces in gold to the comes civitatis. ⁽⁴⁵⁾

During the half century that followed these two councils of Toledo and Narbonne nothing is known with certainty about paganism in Spain. But from a canon of the fourth council of Toledo (633), which was attended by seventy-three members of the Spanish hierarchy, and presided over by St. Isidore, bishop of Seville, it is evident that paganism had not entirely disappeared. The canon declared that a bishop, priest, deacon or any cleric who consulted a magician or augur was to be deposed and sent to a monastery to do penance there for the remainder of his life. ⁽⁴⁶⁾ The council regarded this consulting of magicians and augurs as a sacrilege, and the severity of the penalty is evident.

This same council of Toledo ordered that in reparation for the sins committed by the pagans on the Kalends of January a special day at the beginning of the year was to be spent in fasting and abstinence. ⁽⁴⁷⁾ From the De ecclesiasticis officiis of Isidore it is evident that this practice of fasting at the beginning of the year was not peculiar to Spain, but was the general practice throughout the Church. ⁽⁴⁸⁾

The fast was usually observed on the second of January. In the office of the Visigothic breviary said on this day, there are many passages from the Sacred Scriptures directed against the worship of idols. One of the capitula of this office reminds the people that the idols of the pagans are demons, and warns them against the practice of superstitious rites; the people are urged to admonish [120] and recall to the "path of salvation" those members of the Church who may be guilty of idolatrous worship. ⁽⁴⁹⁾

At the fifth council of Toledo (636) the bishops were concerned mainly with preserving the government of the reigning monarch Chintila. Hence they censured all acts of disloyalty. In one of the canons they condemned as "opposed to religion and clearly superstitious" all inquiries into the life of the ruler, and threatened those guilty of this crime with the penalty of excommunication from the Church. ⁽⁵⁰⁾ The ruler and bishops doubtless felt, as did the emperors of the fourth century, that a person might use the information obtained from a magician or augur to foster rebellion throughout the kingdom. ⁽⁵¹⁾

It may be well to mention here in passing a visit to Spain made by St. Ouen in 641. The first biographer of the saint, who wrote soon after his death in 684, declared that on the occasion of this visit Ouen had performed a striking miracle which won him fame throughout the Visigothic kingdom. A later biographer of the saint, who probably wrote in the ninth century, magnified Ouen's visit to Spain and wrote that on this occasion the saint had succeeded in persuading the pagans of the Peninsula to desert their temples and idols. ⁽⁵²⁾ This second account of what Ouen is reported to have done in Spain is purely legendary. ⁽⁵³⁾

THE ATTITUDE OF THE CIVIL LAW TOWARDS PAGANISM

Mention was made above of the fact that once the Visigoths had been converted to Catholicism the principal cause of friction between [121] them and the natives of Spain disappeared. Yet for a period of more than sixty years the Goths and the Spaniards were governed by separate laws. King Chindaswinth (642-653) realized the anomaly of this situation and began a codification of Roman and Germanic law that would satisfy the two races in the kingdom. Chindaswinth did not live to see the realization of his plan. It remained for his son, Receswinth, to promulgate in 654 the new law-code that was binding upon all in Spain, irrespective of their race. The Forum Iudicum, ⁽⁵⁴⁾ as the new code was called, is important in our present study, for it enables us to grasp the forms of paganism that existed in Spain in the middle of the seventh century, and the attitude towards them of the civil authorities.

Attention has already been called to the fact that in the Theodosian Code and the Lex Romana Visigothorum most of the laws on paganism were concerned with the practice of divination and magic. These two forms of paganism were also condemned by the fourth council of Toledo in 633 and the fifth council in 636. Hence it is not surprising that the legislation on paganism in the Visigothic Code was directed solely against those who practiced augury and magic and those who consulted such persons on these matters.

Two laws against augury were incorporated in the Forum Iudicum. The soothsayer and all those who consulted him, if freeborn, were flogged, their property confiscated, and they were reduced to the status of slaves. ⁽⁵⁵⁾ The same penalties befell their children if they participated in their parents' crime. Slaves who practiced augury were to be tortured and sold into slavery overseas. ⁽⁵⁶⁾ Another law against augury lectured the people on the impossibility of finding out the truth from soothsayers, for the devil "a liar from the beginning [122] spoke through them." ⁽⁵⁷⁾ The law went on to state that a judge who consulted soothsayers with the intention of proving something was subject to the same penalties as those who consulted them about the life or death of an individual. It concluded by stating that since augurs were hateful in the sight of God they were to receive as punishment fifty lashes. Though the Visigothic Code was indeed very severe against those who practiced augury, it did not inflict upon them the death penalty, as did the Theodosian Code. ⁽⁵⁸⁾

Besides condemning the practice of augury, the Forum Iudicum also contained some stern laws against magic, especially that intended to injure the person or property of another. Under this heading of "harmful" magic, poisoning was included. The idea, prevalent among the Romans ⁽⁵⁹⁾ and Germans, ⁽⁶⁰⁾ that poisoning was in some way connected with magic still persisted among the legislators of Spain in the middle of the seventh century. The same section of the code which treats of magicians also treats of poisoners. They believed, for example, that certain women who committed the crime of adultery could by some magical potion so change and derange the minds of their husbands that the latter were unable to accuse them of adultery in the public courts, or even to depart from them. ⁽⁶¹⁾ In such a case the law provided that the children of the couple, if of legal age, could give testimony in court against the adulteress; if, however, they were not old enough, the relatives of the husband were to conduct the accusation. Another law stated that a person who gave a potion to a pregnant woman for the purpose of causing an abortion was to suffer the penalty of death. A slave who tried to secure this potion in order to commit an abortion was to receive two hundred lashes, while a free-born person, guilty of this [123] same crime, was to lose the dignity of her rank, and to be sent as a slave to whosoever should be named by the king. ⁽⁶²⁾ Finally, the law stated that anyone, whether slave or free, who caused the death of another by poisoning, should himself be put to death. If, however, his attempts at poisoning proved unsuccessful, the poisoner was to become the slave of his intended victim. ⁽⁶³⁾

Besides the civil penalties which the Forum Iudicum inflicted for these offences there doubtless were canonical prohibitions. Thus in the council of Lerida (524) it was decreed that a person who gave poison to another for the sake of committing an abortion was to be excluded from Communion for life. ⁽⁶⁴⁾ Perhaps the same ecclesiastical penalty was attached to this crime in the Catholic period of Visigothic Spain.

The Forum Iudicum sternly punished the use of magic to injure the person or property of another. One of these laws was directed against enchanters and invokers of tempests, who by incantations were said to bring down storms upon the vineyards and crops of others, and who invoked the devil and thereby disturbed men's minds. ⁽⁶⁵⁾ These words were taken almost verbatim from an interpretation of a law in the Lex Romana Visigothorum, issued by the emperor Constantine in 318. ⁽⁶⁶⁾ While Roman law left the penalty indeterminate, the Visigothic Code ordered that these magicians should receive two hundred lashes and the punishment of decalvatio. The [124] guilty one was to be led about the ten neighboring estates in order that the sight of this punishment might deter others from committing this crime. ⁽⁶⁷⁾ This regulation was similar to, but not as harsh as a law found in the Capitulary of Chur (800/820). ⁽⁶⁸⁾ This same Visigothic law ordered that a person found guilty of magic was either to be cast into prison or brought before the king, who could do with him as he pleased. Those who consulted a magician were to receive as punishment two hundred lashes.

Another law of this code stated that a magician who placed ligatures or other charms upon persons or upon their beasts with the intention of killing or harming them, or who sought by magical charms to injure the property of another, was to be punished in the same way as he had intended to injure the person or property of his victim. ⁽⁶⁹⁾

An interesting law on magic was concerned with robbing a coffin for some magical purpose. ⁽⁷⁰⁾ This is the only mention of such magic among the Visigoths; the only other law concerned with robbing a grave was directed against those who committed this crime for the [125] sake of enriching themselves. ⁽⁷¹⁾ Those who robbed a coffin for a magical purpose were fined twelve solidi, which were to be given to the heirs of the deceased. There is here very probably a reference to necromancy, which Isidore defines as uttering incantations over a corpse in the belief that the dead person would arise, and utter words of prophecy or give answer to questions put to it. ⁽⁷²⁾ Isidore goes on to add that since the demons [always associated with idolatry and magic] love blood, the necromancer in performing his magical rites always used blood mixed with water. ⁽⁷³⁾ Among the Greeks and Romans the evocation of the dead took place in caverns and near rivers and lakes where communication with the abodes of the dead was thought to be easier. ⁽⁷⁴⁾

The strict punishment meted out to those guilty of magic shows quite clearly the horror that the law-makers of Spain felt towards this crime. Still they did not wish to see injustice done. This is evident from a decision of the council of Merida (666) which was held shortly after the promulgation of the Forum Iudicum. The complaint was made to the bishops at this council that certain priests in time of sickness believed that their illness had been caused by some magical rites which the members of their household had practiced, and ordered the suspected persons to be tortured. The council in answer to this complaint declared that in future a priest who should suspect anyone of doing injury to him by the practice of magic was to bring the matter before the bishop of the diocese. The latter was to delegate certain worthy laymen as judges. If the accused person was found guilty of the charge of magic the judges were to inform the bishop, who was to inflict a penalty upon the criminal severe enough to deter others from committing this crime. A priest who did not [126] follow this procedure when he suspected some one of magic was threatened with the penalty of deposition and excommunication. ⁽⁷⁵⁾

PAGAN SURVIVALS FROM 654 TO 711

The laws against augury and magic were the only pagan survivals with which the Forum Iudicum was concerned. There is no indication in the law code that any other superstitious practices were in vogue among the people in the middle of the seventh century. But suddenly in the closing years of the Visigothic kingdom other forms of paganism - worshiping fountains, trees and stones - became serious enough to deserve special legislation at the national councils of Toledo in 681 and in 693. During the century that elapsed between the third council of Toledo in 589 and the twelfth in 681 it is difficult to believe that, if these pagan practices were regarded as a menace, zealous and influential bishops such as Isidore, Ildefonse, Braulio and Fructuosus would not have taken counsel on this evil and suggested means to remove it. Besides, if the superstitious rites at the fountains, trees and stones were very prevalent they would doubtless have been severely censured and forbidden in the law code issued by Receswinth in 654. It is quite evident from the canons of the last councils of Toledo that the long reign of Receswinth (653-672) witnessed a marked deterioration in the ecclesiastical organization and this decline brought about indirectly the revival of paganism.

The reign of Receswinth had begun very auspiciously. Immediately upon the death of his father, Chindaswinth, in 653, he had convoked a council at Toledo and requested the bishops to dispense him from the oath which he and his father had taken to punish all political [127] offenders. One of the favorite counselors in the early part of his reign was St. Fructuosus, the metropolitan of Braga, and the founder of numerous monasteries in Galicia. But Receswinth, although well-intentioned, was very dissolute. ⁽⁷⁶⁾ During the remaining sixteen years of his reign no councils were held at Toledo, a fact which the bishops deplored at the eleventh council held after his death in 675. The opening words of the eleventh council declared that the long period of years during which the light of the councils had been withdrawn, had led to an increase of vice and ignorance "the mother of all errors." ⁽⁷⁷⁾ Later on they attributed the lack of discipline in the Church to the fact that no one could correct the erring, since the word of God was sent into exile. ⁽⁷⁸⁾ St. Ildefonse, who governed the see of Toledo during the greater part of Receswinth's reign, referred in a veiled manner to the fact that the Church in Spain had fallen upon evil days. In a letter to Bishop Quiricus of Barcelona he wrote: "I should say more, if the pressure of woes permitted." ⁽⁷⁹⁾ In another letter to the same bishop he added: "The necessity of the times so wears down the spirit that there is no joy in life because of the evils that threaten." ⁽⁸⁰⁾

The sad condition of the Church in Spain in 675 is reflected in the canons of the eleventh council of Toledo. The bishops at this council were concerned not so much with the vices of the laity as with those that had crept in among the clergy. They censured the members of the hierarchy who did not insist upon the priests of their dioceses preaching the word of God and instructing the people. ⁽⁸¹⁾ They threatened with the penalty of excommunication the members [128] of the clergy who scandalized the faithful by living at discord with one another. ⁽⁸²⁾ The council declared that any bishop who disgraced his calling by his immoral conduct or who caused others to be murdered or injured was to be deposed and imprisoned for life. The same penalties befell a bishop who in his capacity as judge passed sentence of death, or ordered a person on trial to be subjected to physical punishment. ⁽⁸³⁾ The council forbade the practice of simony, which was prevalent among the clergy, ⁽⁸⁴⁾ and even deemed it necessary to require of all candidates for sacred orders a special promise that they would conscientiously fulfill the duties of their sacred calling. ⁽⁸⁵⁾ The council praised Wamba (672-680), who had succeeded Receswinth upon the throne, as "the restorer of ecclesiastical discipline in our time." Though the eleventh council concerned itself in the main with the vices of the clergy it is not difficult to believe that the moral condition of the laity was far worse, and that in such a soil pagan practices which had probably never died out among some of the people would again spring into life. This is exactly the condition of affairs that confronted the twelfth council of Toledo in 681.

Erwig (680-693) who had become ruler of Spain in 680 under circumstances that have left a stain upon his memory, at once proceeded to call a meeting of the Spanish hierarchy at Toledo. It was attended by thirty-five prelates from all parts of Spain. The ruler urged the assembled bishops to take immediate action against the abuses that had arisen in the kingdom in order that "by your zealous government the earth may be purged of the contagion of wickedness." ⁽⁸⁶⁾ One of the principal evils that engaged the attention of the bishops was that of idolatry.

The eleventh canon of this council begins with the words of Exodus against the worship of idols: "Thou shalt not make to thyself a graven thing, etc.," ⁽⁸⁷⁾ and quoted the stern penalty of [129] Deuteronomy against idolaters: "Thou shalt bring forth the man or woman who have committed that most wicked thing [idolatry] and they shall be stoned." ⁽⁸⁸⁾ The council warned all who practiced superstitious worship that they were offering sacrifices to the devil. It ordered that all the places desecrated by pagan worship should be destroyed. Slaves guilty of idolatrous practices were to be lashed and brought in chains before their masters, who had to promise under oath not to allow them to practice such idolatry in future. If the master was unwilling to keep the erring slaves the judge was to bring them before the king, who might dispose of the slaves as he willed. A master who did not punish this crime of idolatry not only incurred the penalty of excommunication but also lost all legal claims to the services of the slaves. Free-born persons, guilty of idolatrous worship, were to be excommunicated and kept in close confinement. ⁽⁸⁹⁾

It is evident from this canon that the cult of the fountains, stones and trees, which was practiced by the natives of Spain before the coming of Christianity, and which St. Martin of Braga censured in the De correctione rusticorum, was still in vogue in the year 681. The fact that the greater part of this canon is concerned with slaves indicates that idolatry was especially prevalent among the lower classes of Spanish society. The same policy which the third council of [130] Toledo in 589 had recommended ⁽⁹⁰⁾ was still being followed by the twelfth council in 681. The bishop and the secular judge were charged with the destruction of the "sacred" fountains, stones, and trees, and the prosecution of idolaters. Two penalties were inflicted by the twelfth council of Toledo upon those who practiced or connived at idolatry, which were not mentioned at the third council of Toledo: First, a free-born person, guilty of idolatrous worship, was to be kept in close confinement; secondly, a master who did not punish the members of his household for taking part in pagan practices was threatened with the loss of their services. Since at this twelfth council of Toledo there were present bishops from all parts of Spain it is impossible to judge from the wording of the canon where idolatry was especially practiced. But the writings of a contemporary, St. Valerius, indicate with certainty one of these localities.

Valerius (c. 630-695) before his appointment as abbot of the monastery of San Pedro de Montes, founded by St. Fructuosus, had lived for many years as a hermit in the solitary regions of Galicia. An account of his experiences during these years, written by himself, has come down to us. In this autobiography Valerius describes the sad condition of the monastic life in Galicia, where people from the lowest classes of society were admitted to the cloister and some were even forced to become monks in order that the monasteries might not remain empty. Instead of practicing virtue these monks associated with people who had committed robbery, murder, and who practiced magic and other unspeakable crimes. ⁽⁹¹⁾ In this autobiography Valerius tells us how he chanced upon a nocturnal meeting in the forest and gives a vivid picture of the unbecoming songs and dances in which a priest, forgetful of his sacred calling, played the principal part. ⁽⁹²⁾ Valerius also describes a meeting he had with some peasants [131] who were practising idolatrous worship on the top of a mountain. ⁽⁹³⁾ As Valerius says that he was then in the mountains not far from Astorga, ⁽⁹⁴⁾ perhaps the cult he saw was a survival of the worship of Jupiter Candamius, who was honored on a mountain of this region, known today as Candanedo. ⁽⁹⁵⁾ At the sight of these abominable practices Valerius was filled with anger. He at once summoned a number of faithful Christians and proceeded to rout these worshipers and destroy their sanctuaries. Whether the people who practiced these pagan sacrifices were actually Christians or not is difficult to determine. The fact that Valerius summoned "faithful Christians" would seem to imply that these peasants, like those in the time of Martin of Braga, were indeed Christians who had fallen into gross errors.

The thirteenth council of Toledo (683) says nothing about paganism among the people. One canon of this council proves, however, that some of the priests were guilty of superstitious practices. These unworthy clerics who nourished a grievance against others were wont to put on garments of mourning, to close the doors of the church, to strip the altar of its ornaments, and to suspend divine services. ⁽⁹⁶⁾ Gratian quoted this canon and placed this abuse under the title of magic. ⁽⁹⁷⁾Perhaps these priests felt that they could force God, as it [132] were, to punish their enemies by their refusal to hold services in His honor, The council ordered that priests guilty of these abuses were to be deposed and sentenced to perpetual disgrace.

There is no mention of paganism at the fourteenth and fifteenth councils of Toledo, but at the sixteenth council (693) the question of pagan practices was again discussed. In the tomus ⁽⁹⁸⁾ which Egica (688-702) addressed to the assembled prelates he declared that the many misfortunes from which the land suffered were a punishment from God for the sins of the people. ⁽⁹⁹⁾ One of these evils was the prevalence of pagan practices. The ruler suggested that the things offered to idols by peasants or others should be taken to the nearest church and exposed there in the sight of the superstitious people who had made these offerings. ⁽¹⁰⁰⁾ He also urged that a bishop or judge who was found negligent in combating superstition and idolatry should be deposed from office for a year and that a more zealous ecclesiastic or official should be chosen. The bishops proceeded to enact the laws which Egica had thought advisable. They merely added that a person of noble rank who hindered a bishop or judge in the prosecution of idolatry was to be fined three pounds of gold; a person of lower rank guilty of this same crime was to receive one hundred lashes, to suffer the penalty of decalvatio, and to have half of his property confiscated by the state. ⁽¹⁰¹⁾

The regulation of this council indicates that the places defiled by pagan practices were not yet destroyed and that many people were [133] still practicing idolatry. The persistence of these pagan practices was due perhaps to the indifference of the bishops and judges in the performance of their duties, and hence the new enactment of this council that more zealous bishops and judges should be chosen. The council also added new penalties when it declared that people who hindered the prosecution of idolatry, if of noble birth, were to be fined, if not of noble birth, were to be subjected to bodily punishment and threatened with the loss of half of their property.

But the most striking departure from previous conciliar legislation on paganism in Spain was the order of Egica that things offered to idols were to be placed in the churches. The objects meant were probably the ex-votos and vases which the superstitious people placed at their sacred fountains, stones and trees. The idea for this regulation may have come from the letter of St. Augustine to Publicola, wherein he stated: "When temples, idols, etc., are placed at the service of God, the same thing happens to them as when impious and sinful men are converted to the true faith." ⁽¹⁰²⁾ The Spanish king and bishops had probably heard of the policy that Pope Gregory the Great had recommended to the abbot Mellitus in the conversion of the pagan Anglo-Saxons to Christianity. According to Gregory the temples of the pagans were to be sprinkled with holy water; altars and relics were to be placed in them, and thus the worship paid to demons would be transferred to the one true God. ⁽¹⁰³⁾ In the blessing of vases in the Mozarabic rite the priest asked God to purify them from all uncleanness. ⁽¹⁰⁴⁾ Perhaps, as Dom Férotin suggests, this was because these vases had formerly been used in the worship of pagan idols. ⁽¹⁰⁵⁾

At the seventeenth council of Toledo (694) no special legislation was enacted in regard to pagan survivals. The bishops, however, censured the conduct of certain priests who celebrated a Requiem Mass for a living person with the intention of procuring the death of [134] this individual. This canon is a sad reflection upon the state of the Spanish Church at this period when some of its anointed ministers used the most sacred rite of their religion as a form of magic to wreak vengeance upon their enemies. The council ordered that such priests were to be deposed; both they and the individuals who requested them to celebrate this Requiem Mass were to be sent into perpetual exile, and only in their last moments were they permitted to receive Holy Communion. ⁽¹⁰⁶⁾

Under this same ruler Egica or perhaps his son Witiza (701-711) the ordeal by hot water was legalized. ⁽¹⁰⁷⁾ This is the only instance of the ordeal in Visigothic Spain, and strangely enough was probably the last law issued by a Visigothic ruler. Mention of the ordeal is included in the present study because, according to the more commonly accepted opinion today, the ordeal was a survival of Germanic paganism. ⁽¹⁰⁸⁾ The reason for the ordeal is stated in the law itself. Many free-born persons had complained of the fact that they had been subjected to torture in law suits involving a sum of money of less than three hundred solidi, in which cases the law forbade freeborn persons to be tortured. The king, therefore, decided that in cases where the sum of money in question was less than three hundred solidi, the accused person was to be subjected to the ordeal by hot water. If this ordeal proved him guilty, then torture was to be [135] used; if; however, the ordeal proved the innocence of the accused person he was not to be subjected to torture. The same procedure (ordeal and torture) was to be followed in the case of a person whose testimony was regarded with suspicion. There is no mention of a religious ceremony on the occasion of this ordeal.

F. Dahn claims that the ordeal was introduced into Visigothic law because of the Franks, who had settled in Spain. ⁽¹⁰⁹⁾ This opinion has been rejected by most writers. J. Ficker asserts with greater probability that the ordeals bad never died out among the lower classes of the population, who had been little affected by the law code of Receswinth, and that their practices came to the surface and were legalized in the closing years of the Visigothic monarchy. ⁽¹¹⁰⁾ The writer believes that the process mentioned by Ficker was hastened by the fact that King Wamba had deprived many people in Spain of the right of giving testimony in court, because they had riot assisted him in crushing the rebellion of Paul, a Visigothic noble, in 673. ⁽¹¹¹⁾ Unable to settle their disputes legally these people might easily revert to the old Germanic custom of the ordeal. Moreover the last quarter of the seventh century witnessed not only a marked decline in ecclesiastical discipline but also the menacing growth of perjury. The bishops at the sixteenth council of Toledo lamented the fact that "the sin of perjury has become deeply rooted." ⁽¹¹²⁾ The following council declared that one of the intentions for which the litanies should be said was to make reparation for the sins of perjury. ⁽¹¹³⁾ As the Frankish rulers at a later date legalized the use of the ordeal to prevent the sin of perjury, ⁽¹¹⁴⁾so perhaps Egica or Witiza hoped by means of the ordeal to deter people from giving perjured testimony in court.

THE INDIRECT MEANS USED IN THE STRUGGLE AGAINST PAGANISM

Besides the action taken by the Church councils and the civil authorities of Visigothic Spain to counteract the survivals of paganism among the people attention must also be drawn to the indirect means used in this struggle.

As St. Martin of Braga had pointed out in his sermon De correctione rusticorum, the worship of the pagan gods and the survivals of paganism were due principally to the ignorance of the people. To offset the harmful effects of ignorance there was during the seventh century in Spain an insistence upon the education of the clergy, the leaders of the people. In fostering clerical education in Visigothic Spain the name of St. Isidore of Seville (560-636) is outstanding. Isidore, the counselor of kings, and the leading ecclesiastic of his time, seemed to realize more clearly than any of his countrymen the need of education, if the people of Spain were to become Christians in fact as well as in name. The primary motive of his literary activity was, according to his friend, St. Braulio: "to restore the monuments of the ancients lest our crudeness become altogether inveterate." ⁽¹¹⁵⁾ Among the ancients Isidore included the early Christian as well as the pagan writers. He did not approve, however, of the pagan classics simply because of the esthetic benefit that was to be derived from perusing them. In his rule for monks, he forbade the members of the monastery to read the works of the pagan authors "for it is better to be ignorant of their pernicious teachings than by reading them to fall into the snare of error." ⁽¹¹⁶⁾ In the chapter of the Sententiae devoted to a discussion of the pagan writings, he begins with a condemnation of the pagan poets: "Sacrifice is offered to the demons not only by placing incense before them but also by listening with pleasure to the words of the pagan poets." ⁽¹¹⁷⁾ He [137] then goes on to praise the simple style of the Sacred Scriptures in contrast to the florid and ornate language of the pagan writers. He counsels his readers to avoid the pagan writings out of love for the Sacred Scriptures. But he concludes this discussion by stating: "it is better to be grammarians than heretics . . . for the art of the grammarians can lead to [eternal] life, when it is elevated to better uses." ⁽¹¹⁸⁾ In many of his other writings, such as the Etymologiae, De natura rerum, and the Differentiae he borrows citations from the pagan writers.

It is evident from what has just been said that Isidore was not consistent in his attitude toward the writings of the pagans. ⁽¹¹⁹⁾ On the one hand he saw the dangers which the pagan classics had for the Christians. His harshness towards the pagan poets is easily accounted for when it is remembered that he regards them as the "theologians" of paganism. ⁽¹²⁰⁾ On the other hand Isidore realized that the clerics would have difficulty in obtaining any education at all, if the reading of the pagan books were entirely forbidden, and hence ignorance would be the result. In his opinion ignorance was far more dangerous to the faith and morals of the Christians than an acquaintance with the pagan writings. "Ignorance," he said, "is the mother of all errors, and the nurse of vices." And again "the ignorant man is easily deceived." ⁽¹²¹⁾ Consequently Isidore permitted the reading of the pagan writers merely to avoid the greater evil of ignorance. He never felt the same enthusiasm for the pagan classics as did Cassiodorus. Perhaps he deemed the brief extracts from the pagan authors which are found in his writings sufficient, so that people might not have to delve too deeply into the original works and thus endanger the salvation of their souls. ⁽¹²²⁾

[138] The education which Isidore had in view was principally that of the clergy. His writings on the scriptures, dogmatic and moral theology probably served the same purpose as the textbooks on these subjects that are used in Catholic seminaries today. But aside from these sacred sciences Isidore was also interested in purely secular subjects. In the preface to the De natura rerum, which is concerned with the natural sciences, he wrote: "To know the nature of these things is not superstitious knowledge if studied in the light of sane and sober doctrine." ⁽¹²³⁾ It is not difficult to realize the efficacy of a work such as this in counteracting the survivals of paganism. He explained, for example, the cause of rain in a natural and scientific manner. ⁽¹²⁴⁾ This information showed the absurdity of the belief that "storm-makers" (tempestarii) could by some magical process produce rain. ⁽¹²⁵⁾ Isidore dedicated this book, De natura rerum, to King Sisebut of Spain (612-620). The ruler replied with a poem to Isidore in which he described the manner in which an eclipse of the moon took place. But before describing this phenomenon Sisebut first rejected the superstitious explanation which the people gave for the eclipse. They thought, he said, that as the caves grew dark, the moon was being drawn beneath the shades of the lower world by the wailing of the "dreadful woman" and when "its high-wandering mirror was veiled" it passed like a mortal into the waters of the river Styx. Hence on such occasions they were wont to make a loud noise with some instruments in the belief that this clamor would save the moon from destruction. ⁽¹²⁶⁾ Sisebut then [139] proceeded to give in verse the same scientific explanation of the lunar eclipse that Isidore had given in his De natura rerum. ⁽¹²⁷⁾ Doubtless the writings of the bishop and ruler aided indirectly in curbing the foolish practices which the people performed when an eclipse took place.

Isidore's best-known work, the Etymologiae, was of great value in the education of the people. It was one of a series of works on Latin educational tradition beginning with Cato, the purpose of which was to summarize information primarily in the field of the liberal arts, but on other subjects as well. Hence it served as a convenient manual of information on various topics, for in Spain at this time the works of earlier writers were hardly accessible to most of the clergy. However, Isidore reflects in many places the decline in scientific thought which began after the Hellenistic age. Thus he regards comets as harbingers of coming calamities, ⁽¹²⁸⁾ a common belief in the Middle Ages, which arose probably from the fact that a comet had appeared in the sky before the destruction of Jerusalem. ⁽¹²⁹⁾ In speaking of medicine Isidore quotes the opinion of a certain physician that the physician should devote himself to the study of astronomy, because the human body changes with the mutations of the stars and seasons. ⁽¹³⁰⁾ In this same section Isidore discusses the various remedies in use among physicians, and though he is uncritical in his selection of material, yet, as O. Probst points out, [140] he is free from all superstitious beliefs in the value of plants. ⁽¹³¹⁾ Here again his scientific attitude is a clear condemnation of the idea that certain plants or potions had magical qualities. ⁽¹³²⁾ In speaking of the stars Isidore points out clearly the difference between "natural" and superstitious astrology. Natural astrology is concerned with the movement of the stars, and is practically synonymous with the modern term astronomy. Superstitious astrology teaches that man's birth and moral actions are dependent upon the motions of the stars. ⁽¹³³⁾ As Isidore devotes a small section of this work to magic, ⁽¹³⁴⁾ it may be well to summarize his discussion on this point.

He begins his treatment on this subject by asserting that it was introduced by the Persians and Assyrians. The spread and prevalence of magic throughout the world for so many centuries was due to the influence which the fallen angels exerted upon men. ⁽¹³⁵⁾ Isidore then proceeds to define various kinds of magic, such as necromancy, hydromancy, geomancy, aeromancy, and pyromancy. Under the heading of magic he also groups the practice of divination, by means of the flight of birds, the entrails of animals, and the movement of the stars. It is not at all improbable that Isidore in his discussion had in mind actual magical practices among the people of Spain, for, as has already been mentioned, magic and divination had been repeatedly condemned by the Church councils and also by the Forum Iudicum ⁽¹³⁶⁾. In closing his treatment of magic, Isidore again stresses the connection between magic and demonology and condemns absolutely the practice of magic in any form. ⁽¹³⁷⁾ In view of [141] the fact that this section on magic was copied by later mediaeval writers, ⁽¹³⁸⁾ it is quite probable that Isidore's condemnation of magic had a great influence upon the Visigothic clergy, and made them realize the necessity of combating all magical practices among the people.

In the Etymologiae Isidore emphasized, as Augustine before him, the allegorical interpretation of numbers: "We must not despise the science of numbers, for the deep significance which they have is evident from many passages of Holy Scripture." ⁽¹³⁹⁾ But nowhere in his writing does Isidore show any belief in the pagan superstition that certain numbers were either lucky or unlucky. Thorndike is rather severe in his judgment of Isidore's fondness for such allegorical interpretation of numbers: "With such mental magic and 'pious arithmetic,' as his friend Braulio called it, might the Christian sate the inherited thirst in him for the operative magic and pagan divination in which his conscience and his Church no longer allowed him to indulge." ⁽¹⁴⁰⁾

Isidore's efforts to elevate the educational standards of the clergy were not limited to the composition of books. Many of the principles on education advocated in his writings were translated into legislation at the fourth Council of Toledo (633), over which he presided. The council declared that henceforth one "ignorant of letters" was not to be appointed bishop. ⁽¹⁴¹⁾ In another canon the bishops stated that the "sacerdotes" should have a knowledge of [142] Sacred Scripture and the canons (of the Church). ⁽¹⁴²⁾ The term "sacerdotes" here presumably includes priests as well as bishops. It is hardly probable that the council would insist only upon the bishops possessing this knowledge of the Scriptures and canons, since ordinarily the members of the hierarchy were selected from the ranks of the priests. Lest the priest should be ignorant of the ceremonies of the Church, the council ordered that each priest was to receive a manual containing the rubrics and prayers for the liturgical functions. ⁽¹⁴³⁾ This presentation of the manual formed a part of the ordination ceremony in the Mozarabic rite. ⁽¹⁴⁴⁾ With an eye to the future it was provided at this meeting that boys aspiring to the priesthood were henceforth to live together under the supervision of a learned and holy priest. ⁽¹⁴⁵⁾ While Spain may not have been the first nation in western Europe to inaugurate these schools, the forerunners of the modern seminaries, there was no other region of Europe that insisted upon them so strongly in the seventh century. The effect of these salutary measures may be judged from the fact that the Isidorean tradition of scholarship was continued by men like Braulio, Ildefonse, Taio, Eugene and Julian, who were far superior in learning to the other contemporary ecclesiastics of western Europe. ⁽¹⁴⁶⁾

A second indirect means that aided the struggle against paganism in Spain were the exorcisms and blessings in the Mozarabic rite. The purpose of the exorcisms was to free the people from the dread of the evil spirits, and to make them vividly conscious of the unity and power of God. ⁽¹⁴⁷⁾ The blessings served the purpose of supplanting pagan practices in vogue among some of the people of Spain. Hence in the following paragraphs attention will be drawn to some of the [143] exorcisms and blessings of the Mozarabic rite that helped to counteract pagan beliefs and practices.

There was a special exorcism of the oil which was used as a remedy in time of sickness. In this exorcism the priest prayed that the oil might be a safeguard against the attacks of the devils, the arts of the Chaldeans, and the incantations of the augurs and diviners. ⁽¹⁴⁸⁾ A similar formula is found in an English liturgical book of the eleventh century, ⁽¹⁴⁹⁾ and may have been copied from the Visigothic liturgy. In the exorcism of the salt used in the blessing of a new home the priest besought God through the merits of Jesus to drive out the devil from whatever places the salt might touch. ⁽¹⁵⁰⁾ This formula is found in an eleventh century manuscript of the liturgy of Lyons. ⁽¹⁵¹⁾ Doubtless this exorcism of the salt which was to be used in blessing the home helped to supplant the pagan "purification" ceremonies which Martin of Braga censured in his Capitula.⁽¹⁵²⁾

There are many blessings in the Mozarabic rite which concern farming, such as the blessing for new land which is to be broken, the planting of the seed, and the gathering of the first fruits and the harvests. These blessings, as Férotin remarks, are found in other liturgies besides the Mozarabic, but the formulas used in them are often peculiar to the Visigothic church. ⁽¹⁵³⁾ A prayer was said over the instrument used in pruning the vines and fruit trees, a blessing which is found only in the Mozarabic rite. ⁽¹⁵⁴⁾ In the blessing of a [144] new well, the priest besought God to drive away from it every attack of the devil. ⁽¹⁵⁵⁾ A similar blessing is also found in the Sacramentary of Bobbio. This Christian blessing ⁽¹⁵⁶⁾ helped to counteract the pagan customs at the wells which Martin of Braga had censured in his sermon. ⁽¹⁵⁷⁾ On the occasion of a burial the priest recited a formula, found also in the Gelasian sacramentary, ⁽¹⁵⁸⁾ asking God to free this last resting-place from the attacks of the devil. ⁽¹⁵⁹⁾ Over the graves in Spain, as Férotin points out, a cross was placed. ⁽¹⁶⁰⁾ This blessing of the grave and the sight of the cross above it doubtless encouraged the people to be reconciled to the death of their loved ones, and to abandon all pagan practices at the tombs, which Martin of Braga had condemned. ⁽¹⁶¹⁾ An unusual blessing which, as far as is known, is found nowhere else was that of the fisherman's net. In this prayer God was asked to preserve these nets from harm by diabolical enchantment and intervention. ⁽¹⁶²⁾ Férotin has remarked that the Spanish liturgy is very rich in prayers and blessings for those about to start on a journey. ⁽¹⁶³⁾ These prayers and blessings helped to drive out from the minds of the people the belief that certain days were unlucky and that no traveling should be done on them. ⁽¹⁶⁴⁾

A very effective means of combating paganism, which continued for a long time in the country districts, was the establishment of rural parishes and monasteries. It is very probable that Christianity had penetrated into the country districts even before the Council of Elvira at the beginning of the fourth century. But during the long period of the Germanic invasions, when even fortified cities fell before [145] the attacks of the barbarians, the majority of these simple and perishable country churches were doubtless either destroyed or left in ruins. After the conversion of the Sueves and Goths to Catholicism, however, there is mention in the Church councils of the churches built by the wealthy people of Spain. ⁽¹⁶⁵⁾ These churches, which were often erected on the large estates, ministered to the spiritual needs of the donor of the church and to the people of the surrounding country. By the year 633, when the fourth council of Toledo convened, these country churches had reached a high state of development. ⁽¹⁶⁶⁾ This is evident from the disputes which arose at the time between bishops who claimed jurisdiction over the same parish, or between the bishop and the person who had endowed the church.

The monastic form of life which had begun in Spain as early as the fourth century received a powerful impetus after the conversion of the Goths in 589. As there are only sparse records of the Visigothic period there were doubtless more than the twenty-seven monasteries, which are known to have existed. ⁽¹⁶⁷⁾ Some of the most distinguished churchmen of Visigothic Spain, such as Leander, John of Biclar, Julian, Ildefonse, Helladius, and John, the brother of Braulio, had formerly been monks. At the ninth council of Toledo in 655 there were present thirteen abbots. The Church councils not only gave their approval to the monastic life, but even allowed the bishops to aid financially in the erection of monasteries. ⁽¹⁶⁸⁾ As is evident from the rules of St. Isidore, and St. Fructuosus, the two most noted monastic legislators of Visigothic Spain, the monasteries were situated in the country sections. Usually churches were attached [146] to the monasteries, ⁽¹⁶⁹⁾ and were frequented by the people of the neighborhood. ⁽¹⁷⁰⁾ As the hermit Valerius had destroyed the shrines of the idolatrous peasants, ⁽¹⁷¹⁾ so the presence of the monks in the solitary regions doubtless did away with much idolatry. Mention has already been made of the fact that Bishop Masona had succeeded in converting many pagans by means of his charitable deeds; ⁽¹⁷²⁾ similarly the monasteries of Visigothic Spain, which were obliged to assist the poor, must have attracted to the Church many of the peasants who were still involved in the superstitious beliefs of pagan times.

The decline in the ecclesiastical discipline that was evident in the closing years of the seventh century in Spain must have hindered the development of the rural parishes and monasteries, and indirectly prevented the evangelization of the people of the country districts. It is significant that Egica in his address opening the sixteenth council of Toledo (693), which took action against the evil of idolatry, lamented the fact that many churches were without the services of priests and were in a dilapidated condition. ⁽¹⁷³⁾ Similarly the breakdown in the monastic discipline of Galicia is reflected in the writings of Valerius, who found the monks consorting with magicians and taking part in nocturnal meetings and dances in the forests. But the destruction of the Visigothic kingdom by the Arabs in 712, and the scarcity of source material for the history of Spain in the eighth and ninth centuries make it impossible to judge how general was this decline in the country parishes and monasteries of Spain.

Notes

1. For the early history of the Visigoths, cf. M. Schönfeld, "Goti," Pauly-Wissowa, Supplementband, III. 797-802; L. Schmidt, Geschichte der deutschen Stämme bis zum Ausgang der Völkerwanderung, I, 256-324; A Vasiliev, The Goths in the Crimea, pp. 3-23.

2.Hydatii, Continuatio chronicorum hieronymianorum, passim; cf. H. Leclercq, L'Espagne chrétienne, pp. 213-274.

3.F. Dahn, Die Könige der Germanen, VI, 2 ed., 324; D. Uhlhorn, "Goten," Realencyklopädie für protestantische Theologie und Kirche, VI, 772-779; H. Böhmer, "Wulfila," ibid., XXI, 548-558.

4.Cf. H. von Schubert, Staat und Kirche in den arianischen Königreichen und im Reiche Chlodwigs, pp. 48-56; G. Schnürer, Die Grundlagen der europäischen Volkergemeinschaft, p.60; X. Le Bachelet, "Arianisme," Dict. de théol. cath., I, ii, 1858.

5.L. Schmidt, Geschichte der deutschen Stämme bis zum Ausgang der Völkerwanderung, I, 174.

6.Idacius, op. cit., n. 174.

7.Sidonii Apollinaris epistulae et carmina. Ed. C. Loetjohann, MGH, Auct. ant., tomus VIII.

8.Cf. S. Dill, Roman Society in the Last Century of the Roman Empire, Book IV, Chapters 1 and 2.

9.Sid. Ap., epistulae, IV, 7; VII, 14.

10.Epistolae, VII, 6. The translation is that of O. M. Dalton, The Letters of Sidonius, II, 107, 108.

11.F. Görres, "Kirche und Staat un Westgotenreich von Eurich bis auf Leovigild," Theologische Studien und Kritiken, LXVI (1893), pp. 708-734, emphasizes the disloyalty of the Catholics in the kingdom of Toulouse. He bases this charge on the assertion of Gregory of Tours, Historia Francorum, II, 36, that the Catholics were eager to dethrone the reigning ruler, Alaric II. He overlooks the fact that Apollinaris, the son of Bishop Sidonius, fought with a number of other Catholics on the side of Alaric II in the battle of Vouglé. Cf. Gregory of Tours, ibid., II, 27.

12.'The standard edition of this code is by G. Haenel, Lex Romana Visigothorum; M. Conrat, Breviarium Alaricianum: Römisches Recht im frankischen Reich in systematischer Darstellung, groups the laws scattered throughout the code under logical headings with a convenient summary in German.

13.XVI, 5, 1.

14.XVI, 5, 2.

15.Novellae Theodosii, II, 3.

16.Historia de las instituciones de Ia España goda, III, 390.

17.Haenel, op. cit., p. XV.

18.Novellae Theodosii, II, 3, 8.

19.Pauli, Sententiae, I, 5, 6; 7; 8.

20."So hatten die Vorschriften der Lex Romana Visigothorum über die Verfolgung des Heidentums . . . naturgemäss territoriale Geltung für das ganze Reichsgebiet." -- K. Voigt, Kirche und Staat, p. 126.

21.Canon 21.

22.T. Ortolan, "Divination," Diet. de théol. cath., IV, ii, 1449.

23.F. Rocquain, "Les sorts des saints ou des apôtres," Bzbliothèque de l'école des chartes, XLI (1880), 457.

24."Sortilegi sunt, qui sub nomine fictae religionis per quasdam, quae sanctorum sortes vocant, divinationis scientiam profitentur, aut quarumcunque scripturarum inspectione futura promittunt." -- Etymologiae, VIII, 9, 28.

25.Isidore, Sententiae, I, 16.

26.Historia Francorum, III, 30.

27.Ibid., III, 10.

28.Isidore, Historia Gothorum, n. 45, p. 285.

29.Canons 11 and 12. Mansi, VIII, 614.

30."Legem quam non colis, blasphemare noli; nos vero quae creditis, et non credimus, non tamen blasphemamus; quia non deputatur crimine, si et illa et illa colantur. Sic enim vulgato sermone dicimus: Non esse noxium si inter gentilium aras et Dei eclesiam quis transiens utraque veneretur." Gregory: "Ut video, et gentilium defensorem, et hereticorum assertorem te esse manifestas, cum et eclesiastica dogmata maculas, et paganorum spurcitias praedicas adorani."-- Historia Francorum, V, 43. Translated by O. Dalton, History of the Franks, II, 216. Apropos of these words of Aiglan, we may quote G. Schnürer's criticism of the indifference of the Arian Germans, Die Grundlagen der europäischen Volkergemeinschaft, p. 62; "Bei den arianischen Germanen sehen wir keine Männer, die zu sitthcher Erneuerung anrufen und andere um sich sammeln, denen sie die Höhen sittlicher Vollkommenheit weisen."

31.A biography of Masona is given in the De vitis et miraculis patrum Emeritensium, Acta Sanctorum, tomus I, Chapters 9-20.

32.Ibid., p.342.

33."Jure etenim te [Thuribium] auctorem divini cultus in hac provincia nominabo. Putasne quanto tibi apud Deum maneat merces, cujus solertia vel instantia et idolatriae error abscessit . . . ?" -- Epistola Montani, Migne. P. L., LXV, 55.

34."Quibus visis [i. e., legates from Spain] ego soilctus eram, qualiter in ipsis Christianis, qui pauci in eo loco remanserant fides Christi ferveret?" -- Historia Francorum, VI, 18.

35."Diuturna indisciplinatio et licentiae inoilta praesumptio usque adeo illicitis ausibus aditum patefecit . . ." -- Canon 13 of the third council of Toledo. Mansi, IX, 998.

36.". . .dum et licentia abundaret transgrediendi et discipilnae optio negaretur dumque omnis excessus haeresis foveretur patrocinio." -- Canon 1 of the third council of Toledo. Mansi, IX, 996.

37."Quoniam pene per omniam Hispaniam sive Galliam idolatriae sacrilegium inolevit." -- Canon 16 of the third council of Toledo. Mansi, IX, 998.

38.Canon 23. Mansi, IX, 1000.

39.". . . quia ista consuetudo balandi de paganorum observatione remansit." -- Sermon 13 of Caesarius of Arles, Morin, p. 65. On the condemnation of dancing in church, cf. L. Gougaud, "La danse dans les égilses," Rev. d'hist. ecclés., XV (1914), 229-245; idem, "Danse," DACL, IV, i, 251-253.

40.". . . synodus ordinavit, ut omnis sacerdos in loco suo una cum judice territorii sacrilegium memoratum studiose perquirat, et exterminari inventa non differat; homines, vero, qui ad talem errorem concurrunt, salvo discrimine animae, qua potuerint animadversione coerceant; quod si neglexerint, sciant se utrique excommunicationis periculum esse subituros. Si qui vero domini extirpare hoc malum a possessione sua neglexerint vel familae suae prohibere noluerint, ab episcopo et ipsi a communione pellantur." -- Canon 16. Mansi, IX, 996, 997.

41.Cf. J. Palanque, "La conversion des paiens de l'empire," Filche et Martin, Histoire de l'église, III, 500-503; W. Boyd, The Ecclesiastical Edicts of the Theodosian Code, pp. 87-106.

42.Canon 15. Mansi IX, 1018. On refraining from work on Thursday in honor of Jupiter, see above, p. 94.

43.Cf. T. Mommsen, Römisches Strafrecht, pp. 78-81.

44."Hoc itaque propter ampliandam fidei catholicae disciplinam elegimus finiendum vel tenendum, ut si qui viri ac mulieres divinatores, quos dicunt esse caragios atque sorticularios, in cujuscunque domo Gothi, Romani, Syri, Graeci vel Judaei, fuerint inventi, aut qui ausus fuerit amodo in eorum vana carmina interrogare et non publice hoc voluerit annuntiare, pro hoc quod praesumpsit non solum ab Ecclesia suspendatur, sed etiam sex auri uncias comiti civitati inferat. Illi vero qui tali iniquitate repleti sunt et sortes et divinationes faciunt et populum praevaricando seducunt, ubi inventi vel inventae fuerint, seu liberi, seu servi, vel ancillae sint, gravissime publice fustigentur et venundentur et pretia ipsorum pauperibus erogentur." -- Canon 14. The name Syrian meant at this time any person from the East. Cf. H. Leclercq, "Les colonies des orientaux en Occident," DACL, IV, ii, 2266-2277.

45.On the fines in the later Roman empire, cf. J. Bury, History of the Later Roman Empire from the Death of Theodosius I to the Death of Justinian I, 47-50. Among the Visigoths the comes civitatis was the military leader of the district and had judicial power in certain cases. V. Brunner-Schwerin, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, II, 220, 221.

46."Si episcopus quis, aut presbyter, sive diaconus, vel quilibet ex ordine clericorum, magos aut aruspices aut ariolos aut certe augures vel sortilegos vel eos qui profitentur artem aliquam, aut aliquos eorum similia exercentes, consulere fuerit deprehensus, ab honore dignitatis suae depositus, monasterii poenam excipiat, ibique perpetuae poenitentiae deditus scelus admissum sacrilegii luat." -- Canon 29. Mansi, X, 627.

47.Canon 11. On the pagan practices at the beginning of the year, see above, pp. 47, 95-98.

48."Jejunium Kalendarum Januariarum propter errorem gentilitatis instituit Ecclesia. . . . Sancti Patres considerantes maximam partem generis humani eodem die hujusmodi sacrilegiis ac luxuriis inservire, statuerunt in universo mundo per omnes Ecclesias publicum jejunium, per quod agnoscerent homines in tantum se prave agere, ut pro eorum peccatis necesse esset omnibus Ecclesiis jejunare." -- Chapter 41, Migne, P. L., LXXXIII, 774, 775.

49."Dilectissimi fratres, qui omnia idola gentium cum Psalmista daemonia esse creditis; illorum, quaeso, ut ritus et monstruos actus omnimodo respuamus; et si aliquem ex Ecclesiae filiis talia aut agere aut delectari prospicitis, vestra admonitione corripite, et ad viam salutis ab erronibus revocate, ut verba Dominicae orationis quae ipso Domino docente didicistis, et simul mecum et cum illis proclamare liberi possitis e terris dicentes, Pater noster, etc." -- Breviarium Gothicum, Migne, P. L., LXXXVI, 152, 153.

50.Canon 4. Mansi, X, 655.

51.See above, p. 40.

52.According to E. Vacandard, Vie de saint Ouen, pp. X-XV, the authors of these two lives are unknown.

53.Ibid., p. 82, n. 2.

54.The standard edition is by K. Zeumer, Leges Visigothorum, MGH, Legum, sect. I. For a study of Visigothic law, cf. H. Brunner, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, I, 481-496; Zeumer, "Geschichte der westgothischen Gesetzgebung," Neues Archiv, XXIII, ii (1898), 419-516; ibid., XXIV, i (1899), 39-122; XXIV, ii (1899), 571-630; ibid., XXVI, i (1901), 91-149; A. Ziegler, Church and State in Visigothic Spain, pp. 55-88.

55.Leg. Vis., VI, 2, 1.

56."Servi vero diverso genere tormentorum adflicti in transmarinis partibus transferendi vendantur . . ." - Loc cit. Just what place was meant by "in transmarinis partibus" cannot be determined.

57.Leg. Vis., VI, 2, 2.

58.See above, p. 41.

59.Cf. C. Lécrivain, "Veneficium," Darembeng-Saglio, Dictionnaire des antiquités grecques et romaines, V, 713-715.

60.Brunner-Schwerin, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, II, 873-875.

61."Ideoque, quia quorundam interdum uxores, viros suos abominantes seseque adulterio polluentes, ita potionibus quibusdam vel maleficiorum factionibus eorundem virorum mentes alienant adque precipitant, ut nec agnitum uxoris adulterium accusare publice vel defendere valeant, nec ab eiusdem adultere coniugis consortio vel dilectione discedant . . ." -- Leg. Vis., III, 4, 13.

62."Si quis mulieri pregnanti potionem ad avorsum aut pro necando infante dederit, occidatur; et mulier, que potionem ad aborsum facere quesibit, si ancilla est, CC flagella suscipiat; si ingenua est, careat dignitate persone et cui iusserimus servitura tradatur." -- Leg. Vis., VI, 3, 1.

63."Hac primum ingenuos sive servos veneficos, id est, qui venena conficiunt, ista protinus vindicta sequatur, ut, si venenatam potionem alicui dederint, et qui biberit mortuus exinde fuerit, illi etiam continuo subpliciis subditi morte sunt turpissima puniendi. Si certe poculo veneni potatus evaserit, in eius potestate tradendus est ille, qui dedit, ut de eo facere quod voluerit..." -- Leg. Vis., VI, 2, 3.

64.Canon 2. Mansi, VIII, 613. There is, as far as is known, no other council in Spain or elsewhere which speaks of this ecclesiastical penalty.

65."Malefici vel inmissores tempestatum, qui quibusdam incantationibus grandines in vineis messibusque inmittere, peribentur, vel hii, qui per invocationem demonum mentes hominum perturbant . . ." -- Leg. Vis., VI, 2, 4.

66.IX, 13, 1.

67."Maleficii . . . ducentenis flagellis publice verberentur et decalvati deformiter decem convicinas possessiones circuire cogantur inviti, ut eorum alii corrigantur exemplis" -- Loc. cit.

68."Ut si maleficus vel sacrilegus in populo inventus fuenit, primum scalvetur, mittatur pice capiti eius, ponatur super asinum et batendo ducatur circiter per vicos . . ." -- MGH, Legum, sect. 5, p. 182.

69."Presentis legis superiori sententia damnari iubemus, seu ingenuus sit, sive servus utriusque sexus, qui in hominibus vel brutis animalibus omnique genere, quod mobile esse potest, seu in agris vel vineis diversisque arboribus maleficium aut diversa ligamenta, aut etiam scriptis in contrarietatem alterius excogitaverint facere aut expleverint, per quod alium ledere vel mortificare aut obmutescere vellint, ut damnum tam in corporibus quam etiam in universis rebus fecisse repperiuntur." -- Leg. Vis., VI, 2, 5. Isidore in the Etymologiae, VIII, 9, 30, condemns this form of magic: "Ad haec omnia pertinent et ligaturae execrabilium remediorum, quae ars medicorum condemnat, sive in praecantationibus, sive in characteribus, vel in quibuscumque rebus suspendendis atque ligandis." This form of magic was also condemned by Martin of Braga; see above, p. 103.

70."Si quis mortui sarcofacum abstulerit, dum sibi vult remedium habere, XII solidus iudice insistente heredibus mortui cogatur exsolvere." -- Leg. Vis., XI, 2, 2.

71.Leg. Vis., XI, 2, 1. Stealing things from a grave was always a serious crime in both the Roman and Germanic laws. V. Mommsen, Römisches Strafrecht, 812-822; Brunner-Schwerin, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, II, 878-880.

72."Necromantii sunt, quorum praecantationibus videntur resuscitati mortui divinare, et ad interrogata respondere." -- Ety., VIII, 9, 11.

73."Nam amare daemones sanguinem dicitur. Ideoque quotiens necroinantia fit, cruor aqua miscitur . . ." -- Loc. cit.

74.On the rites performed in necromancy, cf. T. Hopner, "Nekromantie," Pauly-Wissowa, XVI, 2219-2221; Bouché-Leclercq, Histoire de la divination, II, 334-340.

75.". . .comperimus aliquos presbyteros, aegritudine accedente, familiae Ecclesiae suae crimen imponere, dicentes ex ea homines aliquos maleficium sibi fecisse eosque sua potestate torquere et per multam impietatem detrimentare, et hoc emendari placuit per rectitudinem hujus sententiae. Instituentes igitur decernimus, ut si presbyter talia pati se dixerit, ad aures hoc sui perducat episcopi: ipse autem datis bonis hominibus ex latere suo judicem hoc jubeat quaerere, et si sceleris hujus causa fuerit inventa, ad cognitionem episcopi hoc reducant, et processa ex ore ejus sententia ita malum exstirpatum maneat, ne hoc quisquam alius facere praesumat. Si quis sententiae hujus ordinem non observaverit, excommunicationis sententia feriendus erit et a clero abjiciendus." -- Canon 15. Mansi, XI, 83, 84.

76.Continuatio isidoriana hispana, n. .34, ed. T. Mommsen, MGH, Auct. ant., XI, says: "Chindas Recesuintum licet flagitiosum tamen boni motum filium suum regni Gothorum proponit."

77.". . . quia annosa series temporum subtracta luce conciliorum non tam vitia auxerat quam matrem omnium errorum ignorantiam otiosis mentibus ingerebat." - Mansi. XI, 131.

78.". . . quia ecclesiastici conventus non aderat disciplina nec erat qui errantium corrigeret partes cum sermo divinus haberetur extorris . ." -- Loc. cit.

79."Dicere plura vellem si miseriarum pressura sineret." -- Epistola Ildefonsi, Migne, P. L., XCVI, 194.

80."Sed ita necessitas temporum vires atterit animorum, ut nec delectet vita propter imminentia mala." -- Ibid., col. 196.

81.Canon 2. Mansi, XI, 137, 138.

82.Canon 4.

83.Canon 6.

84.Canon 8.

85.Canon 10.

86."Ob hoc venerabilem paternitatis vestrae coetum cum lacrymarum effusione convenio, ut zelo vestri regiminis purgetur terra a contagio pravitatis." -- Leges Visigothorum, supplementa, p. 475.

87.Exodus, xx, 4.

88.Deut., xvii, 2-5.

89.". . .cultores idololorum, veneratores lapidum, accensores facularum et excolentes sacra fontium vel arborum, admomemus, ut agnoscant quod ipsi se spontaneae morti subjiciunt qui diabolo sacrificare videntur. Mortis enim nomen diabolus appelatur . . . ac proinde omne sacrilegium idolatriae vel quidquid illud est contra sanctam fidem in quo insipientes homines captivitati diabolicis culturis inserviant, sacerdotis vel judicis instantia, inventa haec sacrilegia eradantur et exterminata truncentur; eos vero qui ad talem horrorem concurrunt et verberibus coerceant et onustos ferro suis dominis tradant, si tamen domini eorum per jurisjurandi attestationem promittant se eos tam sollicite custodire, ut ultra illis non liceat tale nefas committere. Quod si domini eorum nolint hujusmodi reos in fide sua suscipere, tunc ab eis a quibus coerciti sunt, regiis conspectibus praesententur, ut principalis auctoritas liberam de talibus donandi potestatem obtineat: domini tamen eorum, qui nuntiatos sibi talium servorum errores ulcisci distulerint, et excommunicationis sententiam perferant, et jura servi illius quem coercere nolunt se amissise cognoscant. Quod si ingenuorum personae his erroribus fuerint implicatae, et perpetua excommunicationis sententia ferientur et arctiori exsilio ulciscentur." -- Canon 11.

90.See above, p. 117.

91.". . .Et quos [rnonachi] noverint esse latrones, homicidas, maleficos, adulteros, atque caetera diabolicae infanda crudelitatis opera exercentes, eos summi amoris affectione ex totoque corde charitatis connexione amplectuntur." -- Migne, P. L., LXXXVII, 438. A study of the autobiography of Valerius has been promised by Manuel Tomes, "Una olvidada autobiographia visigotica del siglo VII," Spanische Forschungen der Görresgesellschaft, erste Reihe, III, 439-449.

92."Sacerdos . . .vulgali ritu in obscena theatricae luxuriae vertigine rotabatur; dum circumductis huc illucque brachiis, alio in loco lascivos conglobans pedes, vestigiis ludibricantibus circuens tripudio compositis et tremuils gressibus subsiliens, nefaria cantilena mortiferae ballimatiae dira carmina canens, diabolicae pestis exercebat luxuriam." -- Migne, P. L., LXXXVII, 444. A. Capamany, "El baile y la danza," Folklore y costumbres de España, II, 170, cites this example to show the horror which the Visigoths felt towards profane dances.

93."Cumque in excelsi montis cacumine, stulta populi sacrilega caecitatis dementia profana daemonum delubra impie atque insipienter paganorum rita excoleret, fidelium Christianorum ope tandem probrosa obscenitas destruitur." -- Ibid., col. 447.

94.Ibid., col. 439.

95.See above, p. 7.

96."Quicumque ergo sacerdotum vel ministrorum deinceps causa cujuslibet doloris vel amaritudinis permotus aut altare divinum vestibus sacratis exuere praesumpserit, aut qualibet alia lugubri veste accinxerit, seu etiam si consueta luminariorum sacrorum obsequia de templo Dei subtraxenit vel exstingui praeceperit aut quodcunque lugubritatis in templo Dei induxerit atque, quod pejus est, occasionem nutrierit unde de templis Domini aut officia consueta desint . . . loci sui dignitate se noverit et honore privani." -- Canon 7. Mansi, XI, 1069, 1070.

97.C. 13, C. XXVI, q. 5. Ed. A. Fniedberg.

98.The document which the Visigothic ruler addressed to the assembly was known as the tomus. It was read to the council and the ruler ordinarily withdrew, as his presence at the rest of the proceedings was no longer necessary. V. Ziegler, op. cit., p. 42.

99."Quantis denique malis indignante Deo terra quotidie vapulet, quantisque plagis vel perfidorum sceleribus contabescat, paternitati vestrae non reor esse incognita." - Leg.Vis., Supplementa, p. 481. Continuatio isidoriana hispana, n. 46, speaks of a famine which took place during the reign of Erwig.

100."Interea id praecipue a vobis procurandum est, ut ubicumque idolatriam vel diversos diabolicae superstitionis errores repereritis aut qualibet relatione cognoveritis, ad destruendum tale facinus ut veri Christi cultores cum iudicibus quantocius insurgatis, et quaequae ad eadem idola a rusticis vel quibusque personis deferri inveneritis, tota vicinis conferenda inibi ecclesiis conferatis." -- Ibid., p. 482.

101.Canon 2. Mansi, XII, 72, 73.

102.Letter 47, CSEL, XXXIV, ii, 132; Migne, P. L., XXXVI, 876.

103.Registrum epistolarum, IX, 5, ed. L. Hartmann, and P. Ewald, MGH, Epistolarum, tomus III.

104."Dominus Deus omnipotens, qui omnia munda elegit, hoc uas ab omni pollutione emundet." -- Le liber ordinum, col. 171.

105.Ibid., col. 171, n. 2.

106. "Nam missam pro requie defunctorum promulgatam fallaci voto pro vivis student celebrare hominibus, non ob aliud, nisi ut is pro quo idipsum offertur sacrificium ipsius sacrosancti libaminis interventu mortis ac perditionis incurrat periculum, et quod cunctis datum est in salutis remedium illi hoc perverso instinctu quibusdam esse expetunt in interitum. Obinde nostrae elegit unanimitatis conventus, ut si quis sacerdotum deinceps talia perpetrasse fuerit detectus, a proprii deponatur ordinis gradu, et tam ipse sacerdos quam etiam ille qui eum ad talia peragenda incitasse perpenditur, exsilii perpetui ergastulo religati, excepto in supremo vitae curriculo, cunctis vitae suae diebus sacrae communionis eis denegetur perceptio, quam Domino se crediderunt fraudulento delibasse studio." -- Canon 5. This abuse is somewhat similar to the so-called Mass of St. Secaire, which, according to J. Frazer, The Golden Bough, I, 232, 233, was said at night by a priest desirous of having revenge upon his enemies.

107.Leg. Vis., VI, 1, 3. The manner in which this ordeal took place is described in the Leg. Vis. Additamentum, p. 463.

108.Cf. E. Vacandard, "L'église et les ordalies," Études de critique et d'histoire religieuse, II, 191; A. Michel, "Ordalies," Dict. de théol. cath., XI, 1141.

109.Westgothische Studien, pp. 285, 286.

110.Uber nähere Verwandtschaft zwischen gotisch-spanischem und norwegischisländischem Recht, p. 455 ff.

111.Leg. Vis., Supplements, pp. 476, 477.

112."Quia et jurisjurandi transgressio granditer inolevit." -- Canon 10.

113.Canon 6.

114.Cf. Vacandard, op. cit., p. 195; Brunner-Schwerin, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, II, 540.

115.". . . ad restauranda antiquorum monumenta ne usquequaque rusticitate veterasceremus." -- Vita Isidori, Migne, P. L., LXXXI, 16, 17.

116."Gentilium libros . . . monachus legere caveat, melius est enim eorum perniciosa dogmata ignorare quam per experientiam in aliquem laqueum erroris incunrere." -- Migne, P. L., LXXXIII, 877.

117."Non enim solum thura offerendo daemonibus immolatur, sed etiam eorum [poetarum] dicta libentius capiendo." -- Chapter 13, Migne, P. L., LXXXIII, 686.

118."Meliores esse grammaticos quam haereticos . . . grammaticonum autem doctnina potest etiam proficere ad vitam, dum fuenit in meliores usus assumpta." -- Ibid., col. 688.

119.For a brief discussion of Isidone's attitude towards pagan letters, cf. M. Roger, L'enseignement des lettres classiques d'Ausone à Alcuin, pp. 195-201.

120."Quidam autem poetae Theologici dicti sunt, quoniam de dils carmina faciebant." -- Ety., VIII, 7, 9.

121."Ignorantia mater omnium errorum et ignorantia vitioruin nutrix. . .Indoctus facile decipitur."-- Liber synonymarum, II, 65, Migne, P. L., LXXXIII, 860.

122.Cf. Roger, op. cit., p. 200.

123. "Neque enim earum rerum naturam noscere superstitiosa scientia est, si tantum sana sobriaque doctnina considenentur." -- Migne, P. L., LXXXIII, 964. The critical edition of this work is by G. Becker. (Berlin, 1837).

124.Chapter 23.

125.See Above, p. 123.

126."Non illam, ut populi credunt, nigrantibus antris,
Inferas ululans mulier praedira sub umbras
Detrahit, altiuago speculo nec carmina uicta
Uelato Stygias mortalis transit in undas
Uincibilem petit clangorem . . ."
--Poetae latini minores, ed. E. Baehrens, V, 358.
The custom of making a noise at the time of an eclipse is found among primitive people. V. F. Boll, "Finsternisse," Pauly-Wissowa, VI, 11, 2332. Boese, Superstitiones a Caesario collectae, pp. 18, 28, 52, 73, 74, cites the various preachers of late antiquity, such as Maximus of Turin, Caesarius of Arles, etc., who censure the pagan practices at the time of an eclipse.

127.Chapter 21. Isidore's explanation of the eclipse is taken from Hyginus, Astronomica, IV, 14, ed. T Muncker, Mythographi latini.

128."Cometes stella est dicta eo quo comas luminis ex se fundat. Quod genus sideris quando apparuerit, aut pestilentiam, aut famem, aut bella significat." -- Ety., III, 71, 16.

129.Cf. H. Lesêtne, "Comète," Dict. de la bible, II, 876, 877.

130."Postremo et [medicus] astronomiam notam habebit per quam contempletur rationem astrorum et mutationem temporum: nam, sicut ait quidam medicorum, cum ipsorum qualitatibus et nostra corpora mutantur." -- Ety., IV, 13, 4. The physician here referred to is probably Erasistratus. V. O. Probst, "Isidors Schrift de Medicina," Archiv für Geschichte der Medicin, VIII (1914), 38. This work was known to Isidore through the Quaestiones medicinales, translated by Caelius Aurulius, ed. A. Rose, Anecdota Graeca, II,115-167.

131.Op. cit., p. 38.

132.See above, p. 122.

133.Ety., III, 27. Isidore elsewhere defines the meaning of the term astrologer: "Astrologi dicti, eo quod in astris auguriantur. . . . Geneses enim hominum per duodecim caeli signa descnibunt, siderumque cursu nascentium mores, actus, eventa praedicare conantur, id est, quis quale signo fuenit natus, aut quem effectum habeat vitae qui nascitur." -- Ety., VIII, 9, 22-24.

134.Ety., VIII, 9.

135."Itaque haec vanitas magicarum artium ex traditione angelorum malorum in toto terrarum orbe plurimis saeculis valuit." -- Ety., VIII, 9, 3.

136.See above, p. 121.

137."In quibus omnibus ars daemonum est ex quadam pestifera societate hominum et angelorum malorum exorta. Unde cuncta vitanda sunt a Christiano, et omni penitus execratione repudianda atque damnanda." -- Ety., VIII, 9, 31.

138.Cf. L. Thorndike, The History of Magic and Experimental Science, I, 626-632.

139."Ratio numeri contemnenda non est. In multis enim sanctarum scripturarum locis quantum mysterium habent elucet." -- Ety., III, 4, 1. On the use of allegory in regard to numbers, cf. H. Lesêtre, "Symbolisme des nombres," Dict. de la bible, IV, 1692-1694.

140.Thorndike, op. cit., I, 629.

141."Non promoventur ad sacerdotium . . . qui inscii litterarum sunt." -- Canon 19. The word sacerdotium evidently refers to the episcopate, since a few sentences later in this same canon there is mention of the consecration of a bishop.

142."Sciant igitur sacerdotes Scripturas sanctas et canones." -- Canon 25. Isidore, Ety., VII, 11, 21, thus explains the meaning of sacerdotes: "Ideo autem et presbyteri sacerdotes vocantur, quia sacrum dant, sicut episcopi. . . ."

143.Canon 26.

144.Férotin, Liber ordinum, col. 55.

145.Canon 24.

146.Cf. A. Dufourcq, Histoire de l'église, II, 99.

147.Cf. P. Forget, "Exorcisme," Dict. de théol. cath., V, 1770-1775. On the blessings and exorcisms of the Visigothic church, cf. F. Cabrol, "Mozarabe liturgie," DACL, XII, 479-483.

148."Impetum uero demonum uel incursiones spirituum inmundorum atque legiones et umbras, et impugnationes demonum uel inmissiones, artes quoque maleficiorum Caldeorum aut auguriorum, et diuinorum incantationes uenena promiscua et que per spiritum inmundum et uirtutem nefandam uel exercitu diabolico efficiuntur, iubeas, Domine, per hanc inuocationem tuam ab imis uisceribus eorum omnia expelli uenena . . ." -- Liber ordinum, col. 11.

149.Ibid., col. 8, n. 2.

150."Per ipsum Dominum nostrum Ihesum te adiuro ut efficiaris exorcizatus sal in salutem credentium, et ubicumque fueris asparsus, omnes uersutias diaboli ab eo loco expellas. Si in domibus, si in parietibus, si in fundamentis domorum, uel ubicumque tetigeris, aut quicumque te gustauerit, mox ab eodem loco diabolus confusus discedat . . ." - Ibid., col. 16.

151.Ibid., col. 12, n. 1.

152. See above, p. 101.

153. Liber ordinum, col. 166, n. 2.

154. Ibid., col 167, n. 1.

155. "Deprecamur Domine clementiam pietatis tuae . . . ex eo [puteo] fugare digneris omnem diabolice temtationis incursum." - Ibid., col. 172.

156. Ibid., col. 171, n. 3.

157. See above, p. 103.

158.Liber ordinum, col. 110, n. 2.

159.". . .nulla uis diaboli uisitatione obsideat, nulla malignorum spirituum fictione conmaculare uel obripere audeat." -- Ibid., col. 118.

160.Ibid., col. 117, n. 1.

161.See above, p. 105.

162."Non eum [id, scil. rete] sinas aduersantium arte aliqua inligare, nec uerbis incantantium pessimis inretiri." -- Liber ordinum, col. 174.

163.Ibid., col. 93, n. 1.

164.See above, p. 99.

165.Cf. II Braga (571), c. 6; III Toledo (589), c. 15; IV Toledo (633), canons 33 and 35; IX Toledo (655), canons 1 and 2.

166.Canons 33-37 of the fourth council of Toledo. On the legislation of this council regarding rural parishes, cf. P. Séjourné, Saint Isidore de Seville: son rôle dans l'histoire du droit canonique, pp. 233-237.

167.Villada, Historia eclesiástica de España, II, i, 163, bases this number of monasteries in Visigothic Spain on the writings of Isidore, Ildefonse, the life of St. Fructuosus, written by a contemporary, and the number of abbots who were present at the councils of Toledo.

168.The third council of Toledo (589), c. 4, permitted the bishop to establish a monastery.

169.The Council of Lerida (524), c. 3, speaks of a church attached to a monastery; the seventh council of Toledo (646), c. 4, declares that monastic churches were exempt from the bishop in temporal matters.

170.R. Bidagor, La 'iglesia pro pria' en España, Analecta Gregoriana, IV (1933), 62, 63.

171.See above, p. 131.

172.See above, p. 115.

173."Deinde, quia comperimus, quod multae Dei basilicae in dispersis locis parochiarum vestrarum constitutae, dum ad unius respiciunt ordinationem presbyteri, nec assidua in eis Domino sacrificia delibantur, et destitutae remanent atque sine tectis vel semirutae fore noscuntur." - Tomus Egicae, Leg. Vis., Supplementa, p. 482.

By Stephen McKenna, from "Paganism and Pagan Survivals in Spain up to the Fall of the Visigothic Kingdom".

.